The temple of Amenhotep I at Deir el-Medina stands on the terrace above the Ptolemaic temple enclosure. This temple was dedicated to Amenhotep I (1551-1524 BC) and his mother Ahmose Nefertari, who were both deified by the villagers. The original structure was a small one and little remains of it. The temple of Amenhotep I The temple stands on the terrace above the Ptolemaic enclosure. This temple was dedicated to Amenhotep I (1514-1493 BC) and his mother Ahmose Nefertari, both of whom were deified by the villagers. The original structure was small and little remains of it. Many of the walls surrounding the site are later additions. The temple consisted of an outer and inner hall, a pronaos and a shrine. Two steps led to the pronaos, which was decorated with a wall of red, white and black horizontal bands. Nothing remains of the royal couple to whom the temple was dedicated, depicted on a throne. Numerous statues by Drovetti, Schiaparelli, Bruyère and Baraize have been found on the site. Photography © 2009 Andre du Toit, S. Africa Photography © 2007 Lenka Peacock The cult of Amenhotep I From the 18th dynasty onwards, the main focus of religious worship in Deir el-Medina was the cult of Amenhotep I, especially in the form of the "Lord of the Village", together with his mother Ahmose-Nefertari. Jaroslav Černý pointed out that there were several forms of this cult in Deir el-Medina, corresponding to the statues, each of which had a particular name and was housed in the various sanctuaries established there (Černý,1927,182). Amenhotep I Djeserkare (1514-1493 BC) was the second pharaoh of the 18th dynasty. He was probably very young when he ascended the throne, so it is likely that his mother, Queen Ahmose-Nefertari, acted as regent for the first part of his reign. They are jointly credited with the founding of Deir el-Medina, where they enjoyed personal religious cults until the late Ramesside period. Apart from the modest temple that was primarily dedicated to the couple, they were also secondary worshippers in the chapels of other gods. The deified king had many festivals throughout the year, during which his statue was carried in procession by the Wab priests. These activities were acts of devotion to the deified mother and son and were consistently and exclusively performed by the workers of the village (Ventura 1986, p. 63). The feasts were fairly regular events and were usually part of religious festivals associated with the cult. One festival involved the carrying of the statue of Amenhotep I into the Valley of the Kings, another may have been associated with the anniversary of his death. The deified king was invoked to settle disputes, especially those concerning property. In these oracles the image of the god, Amenhotep I, answered positively or negatively to the questions put to him. Since the priests of this particular cult were drawn from the ranks of the workers themselves, the answer would be a kind of consensus among the priests who carried the divine image. The god's oracular pronouncements, however they were made, carried great weight, and his processions were a high point in the life of Deir el-Medina. The textual and representational evidence associated with her cult at Deir el-Medina can be seen in cult statues, votive stelae, libation basins, paintings and inscriptions in tombs and on ostraka. More than fifty of the Theban tombs of private individuals contain inscriptions mentioning the name of Ahmose Nefertari. Below are examples of depictions of the deified couple. All are from Deir el-Medina and are now part of the museum collections. Petrie Museum, UCL UC33258 Queen Ahmose-Nefertari Possibly from Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty, 1295-1186 BC Limestone Black ink with traces of a preliminary sketch in red. Bust of Queen Ahmose-Nefertari, looking to the left. She wears a long tripartite wig and the vulture headdress. The dating of the ostrakon takes into account the fact that Queen Ahmose-Nefertari was depicted with the "vulture" headdress after her deification in the Ramesside period. Height: 11.8 cm Width: 13.5 cm Photography © Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UCL Photo by Lenka Peacock Petrie Museum, UCL UC14379 Limestone fragment Possibly from Deir el-Medina Ramesside Period (1295-1069 BC) Limestone Height: 20.5 cm Width: 14.5 cm Fragment from a tomb. In the lower left part of the fragment there is the upper part of a royal head and face with a uraeus on the forehead. Above the head there is a cartouche of Ahmose-Nefertari, the queen of Ahmose I (1570-1546 BC), the mother of Amenhotep I. Photography © Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UCL Photo by Lenka Peacock Petrie Museum, UCL UC14223 Stela of Kaha Probably from Deir el-Medina 20th dynasty (1186-1069 BC) Limestone Height: 20 cm Width: 12.7 cm This is the right part of a framed stela of Kaha. It shows the deified Amenhotep I standing to the left, holding a spear in his left hand. The two cartouches beside identify him as Amenhotep Djeserkare. To his right is a priest standing in worshipful position. The name of the priest is written in a hieroglyphic inscription above his head. Photography © Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UCL Photo by Lenka Peacock Egyptian Museum, Turin Statue of the deified Amenhotep I From Deir el-Medina 19th-20th dynasty Painted limestone On stylistic grounds the statue can be dated to the 19th or 20th dynasty, but it may be a copy of an older statue from the time of Amenhotep I himself. It was probably carried in processions during religious ceremonies. The seated pharaoh wears a nemes headdress, decorated with parallel blue and yellow stripes. He has a false beard attached to his chin (Museo Egizio,2019,132). 65 x 27 x 40 cm Drovetti collection (1824) Cat. 1372 Museo Egizio Information and photos Photography © Museo Egizio, Turin. Photo by Lenka Peacock, 2019 Egyptian Museum, Turin Stela of Amenemope From Deir el-Medina Beginning of the 19th dynasty, reign of Seti I and Rameses II Limestone The stela is dedicated to Amenhotep I and Ahmose-Nefertari by the 'Servant in the Place of Truth' Amenemope and Amennakht. Height: 30 cm Width: 20 cm Drovetti collection (1824) Cat. 1452/bis Museo Egizio Information & photo Photography © Museo Egizio, Turin. Photo by Lenka Peacock, 2019 Egyptian Museum, Turin Stela of Parahotep dedicated to Amun-Re of Ipet, Meretseger and Amenhotep I From Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty Painted limestone Round-topped Meretseger was the goddess of the pyramidal peak overlooking the Theban necropolis. Her common name was "she who loves silence". She was worshipped mainly by the workmen of Deir el-Medina. Drovetti collection (1824) Cat. 1451/bis Museo Egizio Information and photos Photography © Museo Egizio, Turin. Photo by Lenka Peacock, 2019 Egyptian Museum, Turin Stela depicting Seti I and a vizier adoring Amenhotep I and Ahmose Nefertari From Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty, reign of Ramesses II (1279-1213 BC) Limestone with traces of paint Round-topped Upper part of a stela depicting Seti I on the right, followed by a Governor of the Town, Vizier (his name is lost), censing before Amenhotep I and Ahmose-Nefertari. Schiaparelli excavations, 1905 Cat. 1466 Museo Egizio Information and photos Photography © Museo Egizio, Turin. Photo by Lenka Peacock, 2019 Although the next two images are not from Deir el-Medina, they are very closely related to the inhabitants of the workers' village. They depict the deified royal couple. Both fragments come from the Theban tomb of Kynebu, a priest "over the secrets of the estate of Amun". He served during the reign of Ramesses VIII towards the end of the New Kingdom (c. 1130 BC). Neues Museum, Berlin, Inv.-No. ÄM 2061 Representation of the deified Pharaoh Amenhotep I New Kingdom, 20th dynasty, 1152-1145 BC. From Thebes, Inherkau's tomb TT 359 at Deir el-Medina Painted plaster Amenhotep I is shown wearing a blue cap-wig with an uraeus on the front. He is crowned with a sun disc. In his right hand Amenhotep holds a crook and a flail, symbols of royal power. In his left hand he holds an ankh, symbol of life. The king is depicted wearing the classic Shendjyt -kilt and a longer sheer linen robe. Photography © Neues Museum, Berlin Photo by Lenka Peacock, 2011 Neues Museum, Berlin, Inv.-No. ÄM 2060 Representation of the deified queen Ahmose-Nefertari New Kingdom, 20th dynasty, 1152-1145 BC From Thebes, Inherkau's tomb TT 359 at Deir el-Medina Painted plaster Ahmose-Nefertari wears a flowing, pleated dress, more typical of elite women of the Ramesside period (c. 1295-1069 BC) than of the period in which the queen lived. On her head she wears the vulture headdress of the goddess Mut, consort of the god Amun of Thebes, surmounted by a solar disc and ostrich feathers. The cobra on her crown and the flail in her hand indicate her royal status. The lotus flower was often held by deceased women as a symbol of rebirth. The black colour of Ahmose Nefertari's skin does not reflect her true colouring, but may symbolise regeneration. Photography © Neues Museum, Berlin Photo by Lenka Peacock, 2011 Sources: 1. Wilkinson, R. H. : The complete temples of Ancient Egypt. London : Thames & Hudson, 2000. 2. Bomann, Ann H.: The private chapel in ancient Egypt : a study of the chapels in the workmen's village at el Amarna with special reference to Deir el-Medina and other sites. London : Kegan Paul International, 1991. 3. Strudwick, Nigel and Helen: Thebes in Egypt : a guide to the tombs and temples of ancient Luxor London : British Museum Press, 1999. 4. McDowell, A.G.: Village life in ancient Egypt : laundry lists and love songs Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999. 5. Pharaoh's workers : the villagers of Deir el-Medina / edited by Leonard H. Lesko Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 1994. 6. Ventura, Raphael: Living in a city of the dead : a selection of topographical and administrative terms in the documents of the Theban necropolis Freiburg (Schweiz) : Universitatsverlag, 1986. 7. Černý, Jaroslav: Le culte d’Amenophis 1er chez les ouvriers de la nécropole thébaine, BIFAO 27 (1927). 8. Museo Egizio, English Turin : Fondazione Museo delle Antichità Egizie di Torino, 2019. 9. Wilkinson, Toby: The Thames & Hudson Dictionary of Ancient Egypt London : Thames & Hudson, 2008. Further bibligraphy Back to top

Theban tomb TT291 at Deir el-Medina belonging to Nakht-Min, Servant in the Great Place and Servant in the Place of Truth. Late 18th dynasty Tomb 291 at Deir el-Medina The Theban tomb 291 was discovered by the French Institute in the middle of its 1922 season. It is located in the north-western part of the main cemetery of Deir el-Medina, at an altitude of 115 m. It is about 90 m from the south-western corner of the enclosure wall of the main Ptolemaic temple. The owner of the tomb was Nakht-Min. Late 18th dynasty Nakht-Min's titles: 1. Servant in the Great Place 2. Servant in the Place of Truth The picture on the left is taken from the courtyard, looking west, the Theban hills are behind the tomb. The tomb shaft is visible in the foreground. Below is the picture taken from behind the pyramidion of the of the tomb, looking east towards the settlement on the right, the temple enclosure wall in the distance on the left. Dating of the tomb The exact dating of the tomb is difficult. The epigraphic style of this tomb is more elaborate and less cursive and is undoubtedly older than the style in the tombs of the 19th and 20th dynasties at Deir el-Medina he title "Servant of the Great Place" is more characteristic of the 18th dynasty than of the Ramesside period The depiction of the god Amun is intact and is located in a prominent and visible position, suggesting that the tomb predates the reign of Akhenaten The style of painting also provides good clues: the frieze consists of a series of lotus flowers alternating with bunches of grapes - an ornamental motif characteristic of the 18th dynasty The human figures have large heads for the size of their bodies. The figure of the two women in the 2nd register of the west wall can be well studied because their transparent clothes show their silhouette: the stomach is too big, the thighs are round, the arms are slender. These characteristics do not correspond to the Ramesside style, but rather to the Amarna style. The painted reliefs of the tomb seem comparable in style to those of the tomb of Ay in the Western Valley The now missing relief depicting the god Osiris in his shrine, the offering table and the person offering to the god can be seen in this picture. The graffito mentioned at the end of this page may be the one visible just above the lotus flowers on the offering table. In view of all these chronological indications and stylistic similarities, Bruyère dated the tomb to the end of the 18th dynasty, or more precisely to the period immediately following the reign of Akhenaton. The interior of tomb 291 I found a black and white picture of the interior of this tomb in a 1926 publication: to my horror the missing relief on the right side was still in place! The relief on the right (northern) side of the chapel had clearly been removed - cut out! The now missing relief depicting the god Osiris in his shrine with the offering table and the person offering to the god can be seen in this picture. The graffito mentioned at the end of this page may be the one visible just above the lotus flowers on the offering table. The tomb belongs to the category of chapel tombs. It had the following layout: a small open courtyard at ground level, a one-room vaulted chapel surmounted by a brick pyramid topped by a stone pyramidion, and a large funerary stele beyond. The vaulted chapel was very richly decorated. The shaft near the courtyard leads to the underground passage and two burial chambers. A plan of the tomb of Nakht-Min, no. 291. Drawn by Lenka Peacock, after a drawing of Bernard Bruyère, in Tombes Thebaines I. Tombe de Nakht-Min. In the chapel of the tomb a graffito in black ink echoes a 21st dynasty message left by Ankhefenamun, "a scribe of the Tomb", son of Butehamun. "Yours is the West, ready for you, all blessed ones are hidden in it, sinners do not enter nor any unjust. The scribe Butehamun has landed at it after an old age, his body being sound and intact. Made by scribe of the Tomb Ankhefenamun". To view and browse the digitised version of The Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Reliefs and Paintings, (also known as Porter & Moss or TopBib) for this tomb, go to http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/topbib/pdf/pm1-1.pdf#page=392 Material for the Bibliography is gathered from an ever-expanding range of multi-lingual sources, encompassing both specialist and semi-popular Egyptological and Near Eastern publications, periodicals, museum guides, exhibition and auction catalogues, together with the growing wealth of web resources. The Bibliography also analyses a range of unpublished manuscripts, including those housed in the Griffith Institute Archive. Published in May 2014 by the Griffith Institute, University of Oxford, the volumes are constantly revised and augmented. The text on this page was written by Lenka Peacock Photography © Lenka and Andy Peacock With many thanks and gratitude to the late Douglas James Peacock for the translations of the French text Sources: 1. Taylor, John H.: Death and the afterlife in ancient Egypt London : British Museum Press, 2001. 2. Shaw, Ian: British Museum dictionary of ancient Egypt. London : British Museum Press, 1995. 3. Bruyere, Bernard : Tombes Thebaines. La Necropole de Deir el-Medineh. Tom 1. Cairo : 1926. 4. Černý, Jaroslav: A community of workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period Cairo : Institut Francais d'archeologie Orientale du Caire, 1973. Further bibliography Back to top

The Berlin Museum and the German Orient Society (Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft) were granted a concession to excavate at Western Thebes during 1911-1913. Their work at Deir el-Medina was conducted under the leadership of Georg Möller, a distinguished paleographer, in 1913. Neues Museum, Berlin, Germany The Berlin Museum and the German Orient Society (Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft) were granted a concession to excavate at Western Thebes during 1911-1913. Their work at Deir el-Medina was conducted under the leadership of Georg Möller, a distinguished paleographer, between the 26th February and the 29th March 1913. Their dig covered 4 locations and resulted in numerous finds: more than 160 hieratic ostraka and 70 figured ostraka were recovered. 11 houses together with their contents were uncovered and within the Eastern cemetery 4 graves of children were located. Their results within the Western cemetery produced 10-13 excavated tombs (McDowell,1999,24-25). Rudolf Anthes published a brief report of the excavations based on Möller's notes in his Die deutschen Grabungenauf der Westseite von Theben in den Jahren 1911 und 1913 published in Sammlung des Heidelberger ägyptologischen Instituts in 1943. https://www.smb.museum/en/museums-institutions/neues-museum/collections-research/about-the-collection/ I would like to express my heartfelt thanks and gratitude to Dr. Helmut Satzinger, Professor of Egyptology, University of Vienna, Former Keeper of the Egyptian and Near Eastern Collection, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, who so kindly devoted his time and effort during my visit to the Museum. All photographs were taken by Lenka Peacock in 2011 and are © Neues Museum. I would also like to thank Jan Kunst from Holland for his constructive comments, corrections and additions to the following text, and to Ingeborg Waanders, also from Holland, for her expertise, support and encouragement. Representation of the deified queen Ahmose-Nefertari New Kingdom, 20th dynasty, 1152-1145 BC From Thebes, Inherkau's tomb TT 359 at Deir el-Medina Painted plaster Inv.-No.ÄM 2060 Ahmose-Nefertari wears a flowing, pleated dress, typical in representations of elite women of the Ramesside period (about 1295-1069 BC) rather than the period during which the Queen was alive. On her head she wears the vulture head-dress of the goddess Mut, consort of the god Amun of Thebes, surmounted by a sun-disc and ostrich plumes. The cobra on her crown and the flail in her hand indicate her royal status. The lotus blossom was often held by deceased women, thought to be representing rebirth. The black colour of Ahmose-Nefertari's skin does not reflect her true coloration, but may symbolise regeneration. Representation of the deified Pharaoh Amenhotep I New Kingdom, 20th dynasty, 1152-1145 BC. From Thebes, Inherkau's tomb TT 359 at Deir el-Medina Painted plaster Inv.-No.ÄM 2061 Amenhotep I is shown wearing a blue cap-wig, with a uraeus on its front. It is topped with a sun-disc. Amenhotep holds a crookand a flail, symbols of royalty, in his right hand. He holds an ankh, symbol of life, in his left hand. The king is shown wearing the classic shendjyt-kilt, and a longer see-through linen garment. To read more about the cult of the deified couple, follow the link to the Amenhotep temple at Deir el-Medina. Tomb relief of Khabekhnet in front of royal families From TT2 at Deir el-Medina New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, the reign of Merneptah, 1213-1203 BC Plaster Limestone Inv.-No.ÄM 1625 Khabekhnet was the eldest son of Sennedjem (TT1 ). He lived during the 19th dynasty when Ramesses II (1279-1212 BC) was on the throne. His title was "Servant in the Place of Truth". He lived in Deir el-Medina and worked in the royal tombs at the Valley of the Kings. Khabekhnet's house was located in the southwestern part of the village. It stood next to the house of his father Sennedjem (Théby,2007,276). Khabekhnet was buried along with his wife, Sahte, and their family in a tomb TT2 in the above and slightly to the south of his father's tomb. Khabekhnet's family was as extensive as Sennedjem's family. A stela found in the courtyard of the tomb contains the names of Khabekhnet, his brother Khons and several children: Mose, Anhotep, Amenemheb, Isis and Henutweret. Benedict Davies suggests they all were Khabekhnet's offspring (Davis,1999,45). The relief below comes originally from his tomb. It shows Khabekhnet standing in a gesture of adoration on the right in front of a row of deceased kings. The purpose of this relief might lie in the fact, that he could have been responsible for the care of their tombs. Votive stele of Ta New Kingdom, 20th dynasty, 1152-1145 BC. From Deir el-Medina Limestone Inv.-No.ÄM 20989 Osiris with a djed-pillar instead of his head Votive stele of a family praying to Meretseger From Deir el-Medina New Kingdom, 18th dynasty, around 1500 BC Inv.-No.ÄM 24029 Stela of Ubekhet praying in front of the snake goddess Meretseger son: Ani-Nakht From Deir el-Medina New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, around 1200 BC Inv.-No.ÄM 21565 Figured ostrakon New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, 1292-1187 BC From Deir el-Medina Limestone Inv.-No.ÄM 21446 The drawing represents a procession of a deity in its sacred shrine on a boat equipped with long wooden poles being carried by temple priests. During festivals the gods were taken out of their shrines and temples and their image - shrouded and invisible to the crowds of onlookers - were carried in processions in order to visit the neighbouring sanctuaries. The boats in which the shrines rested were constructed of foreign wood and were embellished with precious metals. The prow of the boat bears the likeness of the deity, in this case the ram's head signifies Amun (Meskell,2004,95-97). The ram is wearing a broad collar around his neck and his head is surmounted by a ureaus within a solar disk. The sacred shrine, which is located centrally on the boat, dominates the deck. The shrine does not seem to be veiled and is open to the view. The portable barque of the god is visible inside and is flanked by 2 protecting deities. The top of the shrine is flat and corniced, surmounted by a cobra frieze. On the prow two deities stand in front of a plumed Wepwawet standard. The deity on the left might represent the goddess Maat as a feather is apparent on her head. A reclining sphinx is placed behind the standard and faces the prow. The scene in front of the shrine is at first glance difficult to understand as it gives the impression that the two figures, standing behind the sphinx and facing the shrine, are interacting with each other. It is the opinion of Jan Kunst, a Dutch Egyptologist, that the impression was created by the fact that the artist run out of space and had to squeeze the figures slightly due to the shortened rendering of the barque dictated by the small size of the ostrakon. According to him both figures represent royal figures, one of a kneeling king (as often can be seen on depictions of the barque of Amun) and behind that a standing king offering a round jar (perhaps a nu jar containing milk or wine) in his outstretched arms. He concludes that similar figures - most likely wooden statues of the king that adorned the actual barque of Amun - were intended on this ostrakon. The drawing looks like a skillful draft for a larger work. Perhaps this is a study in preparation for a temple wall relief or a tomb painting representing a river barge of Amun. The scene is known from some 16 representations found in different locations around Egypt and ranging in date from the New Kingdom down to Ptolemaic times (Murnane,1979,18). A limestone relief of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, found within the enclosure of the Temple of Hathor at Deir el Medina, dating from the 1st year of reign of Ramesses II, now in Cairo Museum also carries this image and the ostrakon might be a draft for the relief similar to this one. In this relief a similar scene of the barque of Amun is shown on the East side of the South wall of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak. The king is shown offering the contents of a jar to the statue of Amun, which is placed inside the shrine. The goddesses Maat and Hathor stand on the prow. Ostrakon with king on his throne New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, 1192-1186 BC. From Deir el-Medina Limestone Inv. No. ÄM 21446 Ostrakon of a man driving a pied bull New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, 1292-1187 BC. From Deir el-Medina Limestone The body of the man, who walks alongside the small bull, is painted red, his kilt white. The piece is incomplete and the man's head and his right shoulder are missing. The herdsman's right arm rests on the back of the animal while his left hand rests above his head. The animal is outlined in black and painted mostly black with red markings. The baseline is indicated. The scene is skilfully drawn. It is one of the finest examples of its kind. Hieratic ostrakon 18th - 19th dynasty, 1540-1186 BC From Deir el-Medina Limestone Inv.-No. P 11253 Four lines in black ink of a hieratic inscription. "Month 2 of shemu last day of the month, the delay (?) of a man and another man sanctuary delay (?) 16". (Tranlated from German translation published at https://dem-online.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/recherche.php#conErgebnis ) Fragment of a hieroglyphic ostrakon From Deir el-Medina 20th dynasty, 1160 BC Limestone Inv.-No. P 14320 Hieroglyphic draft for an inscription in the tomb of Ramesses IV. Hieratic ostrakon From Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty, 1292-1190 BC. Limestone Inv.-No. P 14203 The fragment of this ostrakon written in hieratic script preserved a part of a school text called. "Kemyt". The work named Kemyt (The Compendium), an Egyptian word meaning "what completes, completion", or "what is completed", is mentioned in the 12th dynasty's (circa 1950 BC) The Satire of Trades, so it must be older than that, suggesting Kemyt was a standard text in the 12th dynasty. The greetings in Kemyt, found at the beginning of a letter it contains, are characteristic of formal letters dated to the 11th dynasty (circa 2000 BC), where the origin can be derived. The surviving copies are written in vertical columns divided by spacing lines, in red paint, rather than in horizontal lines written from right to left, which was the norm during the New Kingdom (James,2003,147-148). The appearance of the signs used is old fashioned, characteristic of early Middle Kingdom period. Why have more ostraka with portions of Kemyt survived than those bearing parts of any other literary text? There might be several reasons for that: the text of Kemyt is not particularly interesting (it is a model letter), so perhaps it was in its simplicity and in its lack of difficulties for the young scribe that it could have been used for scribal beginners. It could have been used as the first reader from which the student learned to handle the hieratic script both in reading and writing. Thanks to its standard formulae and expressions the exercise was easy to learn and hard to forget making the work ideal for instructional purposes. Ostrakon with names of kings From Deir el-Medina New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, around 1230 BC Pottery 15 x 10 cm Inv.-No. O. Berlin P 11235 Acquired by Ludwig Borchardt This smooth piece of yellowish brown pottery, probably a vessel fragment, is inscribed on the convex side with 5 + 2 lines in black ink. It is broken off at the upper left edge, end of line 1 is lost, line 3 is effaced. After line 5 there are two lines of writing effaced by the scribe. Classification: account - inventory : deficit Keywords: grain - oil Contents: Account of oil and grain. Below: titulary of Ramesses II. Terminology: ir n (2, 5); wDA.t (1); mn (5); mn.t it (4); gmy.t m sfT (1); gmy.t m Sbn.w (4); TAy (5) Names/Titles: Wsr-mAa.t-Ra stp.n-Ra anx wDA snb (nswt-bity, nb-tA.wy ; king; 5-6 Publication: Deir el Medine online, URL: http://dem-online.gwi.uni-muenchen.de (photograph, description, transcription, transliteration, translation and commentary) ©1998-2017 The Deir el-Medina Database, Leiden University http://dmd.wepwawet.nl/ Hieratic papyrus From Deir el-Medina Dates attributed: 20th dynasty, year 21 of Ramesses III and year 24 of Ramesses III Dimensions: 28 x 20.5 cm Inv.-No. P. Berlin P 10496 Acquired by H. Schäfer in Luxor in 1909 Dates mentioned: rnp.t-sp 21 I Smw sw 7 nswt-bity Wsr-mAa.t-Ra Mry-Imn anx wDA snb (recto 1); rnp.t-sp 24 I Smw sw 30 (verso 6) This is a small dark brown papyrus inscribed on the recto with 17 lines in black ink and on the verso with 15 lines in black but beginning of verso 6 in red ink. Verso 15 (docket) is written upside down along the lower edge. Top recto = bottom verso. The papyrus is damaged - first half of recto 15-17 and verso 1-3 are now lost. Contents: A committee inspecting the tomb of the workman 2a-m-Nwn found that it could be reached through the (nearby) tomb of the workman Imn-m-Ip.t (the speaker). The latter was asked to open his tomb. When inspected, it turned out that this tomb contained an uninscribed coffin. The matter was settled by an oath (by Imn-m-Ip.t ?). Three years later, Imn-m-Ip.t had a quarrel about his tomb with the workman Wn-nfr, who was accused of throwing the 'mistress' of Imn-m-Ip.t (i.e. the mummy of a female ancestor?) out of the tomb. This matter was also settled by an oath. Names and titles mentioned in the text: an. (pA HoA anx wDA snb ; verso 1); an. (Pr-aA anx wDA snb ; king; verso 4); an. (tAy=i Hnw.t ; f.; verso 10); Imn (deity; verso [1]); Imn-m-Ip.t sA Ra-mry (rmT-is.t ; verso 6); Imn-m-Ip.t (rmT-is.t ; recto 5); Imn-ms (verso 9); Imn-nxt (sS n TAty ; recto 7, verso 8); Imn-nxt (sS ; recto 2, 5, 17, verso 13); Imn-xa (idn.w ; recto 3, 5-6, verso 9); In-Hr-xa (idn.w ; recto 2-3, 6); In-Hr-xa (aA n is.t ; verso 8; cf. 2a ); ax-p.t (sS ; recto 16); Wn-nfr sA Pn-Imn (rmT-is.t ; verso 7); Wn-nfr (sS ; recto 2); BAk (verso 10); BAk-n-wrnr (rmT-is.t ; recto 10); PA-bAk (verso 13); Nfr-Htp (AT.w ; recto 6, verso 14); nswt-bity Wsr-mAa.t-Ra Mry-Imn anx wDA snb (king; recto 1); 1r sA 1y-nfr (recto 10); 1sy-sw-nb=f (rmT-is.t ; verso 8); 2a (aA n is.t ; verso 13 - for In-Hr-xa ); 2a-m-Nwn (rmT-is.t ; recto 4 - written 2a-Nwn ; 11 - no title); 2nsw (aA n is.t ; recto 2, 11, verso 7-8, 13) Incomplete: [...] (sS ; rt. 17) Text is related to the British Museum ostrakon EA 5624 and and ostrakon in the Archaeological Museum in Florence O. Florence 2621. Publication of the papyrus: 1. Allam: Hieratische Ostraka und Papyri, 277-280 (no. 265), pl. 80-83 (photograph, transcription, translation and commentary); 2. Blackman IN: JEA 12 (1926), 177-181 (translation, commentary); 3. G. Burkard, H. Fischer-Elfert: Aegyptische Handschriften 4 (Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland XIX, 4), Stuttgart 1994, 67, no. 92 (description; transcription and transliteration of recto 1 and verso 14); 4. Erman: Zwei Aktenstücke ... , 331-336, 339-347 (transcription, translation, commentary); 5. Helck: Materialien III, 348 and 349 (translation recto 1-14 and verso 6-12; commentary); 6. Kitchen. K.: Ramesside Inscriptions V, 476-478 (transcription); 7. Wilson IN: JNES 7 (1948), 139, nos. 57 and 58 (translation verso 1-5 and 11-14; commentary) (Description and other additional information accessed from the Deir el-Medina database of the Leiden University at http://www.wepwawet.nl/dmd/scripts/dmdobj.asp?id=P.%20Berlin%20P%2010496 ) Ancestral bust Possibly from Deir el-Medina New Kingdom Limestone with traces of pigment Inv.-No.ÄM 20994 Face features are carefully modelled with some paint remainig. The tripartite wig is painted. The front bears a hieroglyphic inscription mentioning the goddess Hathor with her title. There are a few gouges on the body and its face. 77 examples of anthropoid or ancestral busts have been revealed during excavations at Deir el-Medina, further 11 busts are attributed to the site by their owners or dealers or can be connected to Deir el-Medina on stylistic grounds, and 3 more busts that were in the Luxor and Cairo antiquities markets in 1934-1935 (probably originating from Bernard Bruyère's excavations) that are now lost (Keith,2011,8-9). The busts generally do not bear inscriptions, only 5 bear signs. Typically small, they measure from 10 to 25 cm in height and are made of limestone or sandstone. We can assume that most were originally painted as remains of pigment on some are evident. The gender of the most of the busts is open to question (Janssen,2007,187). The figures are referred to as 'ancestor busts'. It is thought that they were placed in the small shrine areas which seemed to form part of private homes, and played a part in the private devotions of the family. Five busts were found in houses at Deir el-Medina, where they could have been placed in wall niches in the first and second rooms. The wall niches are comparable in size, so this seems probable. Rather than representing anyone in particular, the busts anonymous nature suggests that they represent all the ancestors whom the family might wish to commemorate. Another theory is that they represent "the able spirit" of those, who had been authoritative in life, by inference, the older members of the community. In troubled times people turned to them for help, i.e. to a parent still remembered, not to an ancestor of long ago. Some of these must have been older women. Similar objects have been found at fourteen other sites from the central Delta to the Third Cataract. They were found in or near houses as well as in tombs and temples. Whether the context was domestic or religious we cannot be sure, but it is understood that for the worshiper the ancestor busts conjured up memories of a deceased relative. Doum-palm nuts From Deir el-Medina These 3 nuts come from a tree called doum palm ("hyphaene thebaica") which only grows in Upper Egypt, specifically in the region to the south of Abydos. Numerous depictions on the tomb walls from the New Kingdom show the tree, whose fruit was among the items wanted by the deceased. The fruits of the palm have been found in many tombs, from as early as the Predynastic Period. Basket with linen New Kingdom, 1540-1075 BC From Deir el-Medina Basketry, linen Inv.-No.ÄM 20995 Inv.-No.ÄM 7243 Folded linen, stained Two well-preserved pairs of sandals meant for a child From Deir el-Medina New Kingdom - Late Period, 1540-332 BC Vegetable fibres, leather Inv.-No. ÄM 10824/1,2 Inv.-No. ÄM 20998 In ancient Egypt a wide variety of materials - mainly organic (vegetable fibres, leather, wood) - was used to make footwear. There were various types of vegetable fibres such as palm leaf and fibre (the leaf sheath of a palm leaf), halfa grasses and reeds. Leather was oil-cured to make the skin durable. In earlier times sinew was used for sewing the parts together and later on flax was used but also, on a limited scale, leather thongs were employed. Scenes in tombs sometimes show leatherworkers making sandals they pull the strap through the sole with their teeth, put skin in vases with oil to make the skin durable or men are shown cleaning the skin. The production of fibre footwear is never shown. Some people believe that, therefore, it might have been a household activity. Scenes of sandalmakers are shown as part of a larger composition: a leather workshop where also other objects were made, such as chariots and weaponry (Veldmeijer,2014,18-19). 1. Sewn sandals Distinction is beeing made between three types of Sewn Sandals: type A, B and C. This pair represents the so-called A-Type: the soles are symmetrical or near-symmetrical lengthwise, thick and the number of transverse bundles is low (< 30). Both sandals have twelve transverse bundles (the front and especially the back one have a substantially smaller diameter), which are sewn in a fairly regular way. The transverse rows are finished with an edge, which is made in the same technique, i.e. a fibre core, which is wrapped and sewn with palm leaf strips. The triple edge is of unequal diameter - theouter one being the thinniest. The straps are incomplete, but enough is preserved in situ to see that there were back and front ones. 2. Leather composite sandals This is a well-made pair of sandals, which consist of several sole layers. The leather is coloured in bright hues - mainly red and green - and the dorsal surface of the sole and the straps are decorated. The heel is rounded and the waist is constricted. From here, the width increases towards the front almost equally until, approximately, the first quarter of the length. Here, the lateral edge continues with a wider curve towards the big toe area. The treadsole is fairly thick. The straps are mainly in place. Painted terracotta jug with handles From Deir el-Medina 18th-19th dynasty, 1550-1187 BC Pottery Height: 25.5 cm Inv.-No. ÄM 21327 Painted clay vessel with motives of ornaments, flowers, mimusops fruits, wreaths/collars and a checkerboard pattern. Sources: 1. McDowell, A.G.: Village life in ancient Egypt : laundry lists and love songs Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999. 2. Meskell, Lynn: Object worlds in ancient Egypt : Material biographies past and present Oxford : Berg, 2004. 3. Théby : město bohů a faraónů = Thebes : city of gods and pharaohs / Jana Mynářová & Pavel Onderka (eds.) Praha : Národní Museum, 2007. 4. Davies, Benedict G.: Who's who at Deir el-Medina : a prosopographic study of the royal workmen's community Leiden : Nederlands Instituut voor Her Nabije Oosten, 1999 5. Murmane, William J.: The bark of Amun on the third pylon at Karnak. IN : Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 16,(1979), pp.11-27. 6. James, T.G.H.: Pharaoh's people : scenes from life in Imperial Egypt New York : Tauris Parke, 2003. 7. Keith, Jean Lewis: Anthropoid Busts of Deir el Medineh and Other Sites and Collections : Analyses, Catalogue, Appendices / with contributions by Sylvie Donnat, Anna K. Stevens, Nicola Harrington Le Caire : Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, 2011 8. Janssen, Rosalind and Janssen, Jac. J.: Growing up and getting old in ancient Egypt London : Golden House Publications, 2007. 9. Veldmeijer, André J.: Footwear in Ancient Egypt: the Medelhavsmuseet collection Varldskulturmuseerna Stockholm : National Museums of World Culture, 2014 http://www.egyptian-museum-berlin.com/index.php http://dem-online.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/index.php http://www.hethert.org/beautifu.html http://www.wepwawet.nl/dmd/scripts/dmdobj.asp?id=P.%20Berlin%20P%2010496 Further bibliography Back to top

The village was inhabited by the community of workmen involved in the construction and decoration of the royal tombs in both the Valley of the Kings and the Valley of the Queens. Together with their wives and families the workmen occupied the houses of mud brick and stone for some 450 years. The village of Deir el-Medina Deir el-Medina is one of the best preserved ancient settlements in Egypt. It lies in a small secluded valley in the shadow of the Theban hills, on the west bank of the Nile, opposite modern-day Luxor in Upper Egypt. The village was inhabited by the community of workmen involved in the construction and decoration of the royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings and the Valley of the Queens. Together with their wives and families, the craftsmen occupied the neatly built mud-brick and stone houses for some 450 years during the New Kingdom period. The settlement was founded sometime early in the 18th dynasty, although it is uncertain under which king. Many bricks in the enclosure wall of the settlement were stamped with the name of Thutmosis I (c. 1524-1518 BC), who was the first pharaoh to be buried in the Valley of the Kings. However, the reverence paid to the previous king, Amenhotep I (1551-1524 BC) and his mother, Ahmose-Nefertari, suggests that they may have been instrumental in establishing the royal workforce at Deir el-Medina. We have little information about the earliest years of the community. Most of our knowledge of the settlement comes from the extensive evidence from the 19th and 20th dynasties, when the village almost doubled in size. The initial workforce was probably drawn from a number of places, possibly from other crews in the Theban area employed on temple building projects. The original town was surrounded by a thick mud-brick wall. Since the first phase of the settlement, dating from the beginning of the 18th dynasty, was destroyed by fire, little is known about its layout. After the Amarna period, under the restoration of King Horemheb (c. 1321-1293 B.C.), the village expanded. The damaged houses were restored and new ones built. During the 19th dynasty, Deir el-Medina covered an area of about 132 metres long and 50 metres wide. The houses within the enclosure wall were all built in blocks - there was no space between them and two adjacent houses shared a wall. Although the village was occupied for over four centuries, the evidence from the excavations shows that the general layout of the individual houses largely follows the pattern established in the first phase of the settlement's construction during the 18th dynasty. The ground level also remained unchanged, unlike other settlements where successive generations built on the remains of previous occupations. The village itself consisted of about 70 houses. They were divided by a main road. It ran from north to south with narrow houses on either side. Archaeological excavations suggest that this street was covered, making the village a solidly roofed community. Both the floors of the houses and the central street were found to be covered with layers of accumulated and well-trodden animal dung from goats, sheep and pigs. (Hobson, 1997, p. 117). In the workmen's village, property ownership was more tightly controlled - property tended to be passed from father to son, along with trades and professions. Restricted by the village boundary, the inhabitants were not able to expand their dwellings, as was often the case elsewhere. Some forty to fifty houses were later built outside the enclosure wall to the north, between or over earlier burials. The community reached its greatest numbers and prosperity towards the end of the reign of Ramesses II (1279-1212 BC). From the end of the reign of Ramesses XI (1098-1070 BC), the Theban area was in turmoil and the tombs in the Valley of the Kings began to be plundered. Both the archaeological and textual evidence suggest that not later than by the early 21st dynasty, around the years 17-18 of Ramesses XI, the community of workmen had left Deir el-Medina and moved within the walls of the nearby temple at Medinet Habu. Dhutmose, the scribe of the tomb, wrote to Hor, the deputy of the estate of Amun-Ra, on his visit to Thebes: "We heard that you have arrived and reached the town of Ne; may Amun give you a good welcome, may he do all good things for you. We dwell here in the Mansion and you know well our way of dwelling. But the boys of the tomb have gone. They dwell in Ne, while I dwell here alone with the scribe of the army, Penthonakhte". The Mortuary Temple of Ramesses III (1182-1151 BC) at Medinet Habu as seen from the western slopes of the Theban Hills above Deir el-Medina Although the former inhabitants no longer lived in the village, they returned to visit the family tombs and to worship at their temple of Amenhotep I. The abandoned houses were used for storage until they decayed beyond their usefulness. It is not clear what happened to the villagers after this period, but the site of Deir el-Medina continued to be used extensively for both religious and funerary purposes until as late as the 8th century AD. In the 3rd century BC, Ptolemy IV Philopater built a temple dedicated to Hathor and Maat on the northern side of the former village, on the site of the earlier chapels and shrines and opposite the small temple of Amun . In the Christian era the temple was converted into a Coptic church. A monastery, or deir, was established there. Deir el-Medina thus survived its change in function from a primarily residential to a to a sacred and burial site. The ancient name of the settlement, "St-maat-Hr-imnty-Wast" , means "The Place of Truth, to the West of Thebes". The ancient villagers referred to their settlement as "pa-demi" , "the town". The modern Arabic name Deir el-Medina, meaning "The Convent of the Town", reflects the fact that, during the Muslim conquest of Egypt, the village's Ptolemaic temple was converted into a Christian church. "Wast" inscription from the walls of the Ptolemaic temple at Deir el-Medina The term "st-maat" , usually translated as "the Place of Truth", appears repeatedly in tomb inscriptions and on funerary objects such as stelae, coffins, shabtis, statues, pyramidions, door lintels and door jambs, as well as on a wide variety of small objects from the Theban necropolis, particularly from the region of Deir el-Medina. A smaller number of objects come from other Theban sites, the Valley of the Kings, the Valley of the Queens, the Ramesseum, Medinet Habu, Qurna and Dra abu al-Naga. A large group of titles, demoting employees "in the Place of Truth", has been identified in documents from the 19th and 20th dynasties. "st-maat" from an inscription on Bankes stela no. 11 Kingston Lacy The earliest example of the expression "st-maat" is in chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, which dates from the dynasties 13-17 (2nd Intermediate Period, ca. 1782-1633 B.C.). It reads "I have not committed any sins in the Place of Truth". The term can generally be applied to any place or locality that is sacred or holy. It was not only used within the city of Thebes. There are examples of the term being used in Memphis, Amarna or Abydos. The term cannot be translated with a single phrase because it does not have a single meaning. Depending on the context, "st-maat" can mean the afterlife, the cemetery, a tomb, the king's tomb, or even a workshop (in western Thebes). In Theban documents, "st-maat" was used with the addition "hr-imnty-Wast" , meaning "west of Weset" (Weset being the ancient Egyptian name for Thebes, now Luxor). Inscriptions are found in both hieroglyphic and hieratic scripts. Excavations at Deir el-Medina Throughout the 19th century, objects were looted from the Deir el-Medina area to supply the new antiquities market created by foreign travellers visiting the ancient sites. The first antiquities collected by the locals around the site of Deir el-Medina were sold to passing tourists in 1815. Among them was Sir William Bankes. The collection of pieces he bought at this early stage can be seen at his family home in Dorset, Kingston Lacy . Giovanni Belzoni collected antiquities for the British Consul General Henry Salt at the same time as his rival, the French Consul General Bernardino Drovetti, was bidding against him. Their collections were later divided mainly between the British Museum in London and the Museo Egizio in Turin. John Gardner Wilkinson (1797-1875), an English traveller, writer and pioneer Egyptologist, was the first to excavate the area. He opened several tombs in order to record the remarkable information they contained. Karl Richard Lepsius (1810-1884), a pioneering Prussian Egyptologist and linguist, also copied tomb scenes at Deir el-Medina. This inevitably drew attention to the potential riches, and illegal excavations followed (Hobson, 1991, pp. 116-118). In the 1850s an archive of papyri was excavated from the family tomb of Butehamun. It included letters from his father, the scribe Djutmose, to Butehamun and the correspondence of Piankh (c. 1074-1070 BC) sent from Nubia where he was with the army. Several other papyri, probably from the same source, came onto the market at the same time and were bought by European travellers. Eventually, the papyri and many other objects found their way into the storerooms of numerous museums to await future scholars. Most of these discoveries were made by local people. Huge amounts of information were lost as a result of their haphazard digging. In January 1886, a local resident of Qurna, Salam Abu Duji, and his 3 associates were given permission to excavate at Deir el-Medina. They focused their attention not on the settlement area, but on the adjacent terraced hill to the west - the site of the tombs. After the first week of excavation they found an undisturbed tomb - the tomb of Sennedjem (Burzacott,2017,17-18). The northern part of the valley was excavated down to the virgin soil. One of the most important finds was the intact tomb of the 18th Dynasty foreman Kha and his wife Meryt. Between 1909 and 1912, Émile Baraize was employed by the Egyptian Antiquities Service to carry out work on the Ptolemaic temple. In 1912 he excavated a small chapel located in the north-western part of the enclosure wall of the main Ptolemaic temple (Bomann, 1991, 39). From 1905 to 1909, the first scientific excavation of the site was carried out by the Italian archaeologist Ernesto Schiaparelli. In 1906 he excavated the chapel of Seti I (Bomann, 1991, 39). Many objects, including papyri and ostraca, greatly enriched the collections of the Museo Egizio in Turin and the Museo Archeologico in Florence. Turin had already acquired a large number of objects through the collector and dealer Bernardino Drovetti in the early 19th century. In 1913, Georg Möller, a German palaeographer, led an excavation at four sites within the settlement as part of the Berlin Museum's season at Deir el-Medina. as part of a large concession in western Thebes. Among his finds were 11 houses with their contents, 160 hieratic and 70 figurative ostraca, 10-13 tombs in the western cemetery and 4 infant graves in the eastern cemetery (McDowell, 1999, 25). The German concession at Deir el-Medina was transferred to the French after World War I. The French began work at Deir el-Medina in 1917. In 1922, the French Institute of Oriental Archaeology in Cairo, under the direction of Bernard Bruyère, began a project of systematic excavation of the entire site - village, cemetery and pit. The Great Pit , used in ancient times as a garbage dump, was Bruyère's most rewarding discovery. It contained thousands of literary and non-literary ostraca. Bruyère also discovered thirty-two religious structures (Bomann, 1991, 39). In 1925, Bruyère was looking for an epigrapher for his excavations. Jaroslav Černý, a Czech Egyptologist, became a member of the team. He was the world's leading authority on several aspects of the Ramesside period, particularly the hieratic script, a cursive writing system used on papyri and ostraka. Excavation Diaries of Bernard Bruyère from Deir el-Medina, 1922-1955, are now available on-line at http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/archives /bruyere/about In 1967, the IFAO gave Georges Castel permission to continue the excavations at Deir el-Medina. Although he continued the work of Baraize, Schiaparelli and Bruyère, he concentrated mainly on the excavations of Gurnet Mura'i to the north and south. Excavations by the French mission continue to this day (Brooker, 2009, 8). Domonique Valbelle and Charles Bonnet have reexamined the site to better understand the phases of construction. A worldwide group of scholars continues to study a wide range of topics relating to all aspects of Deir el-Medina. The research group, entitled "Workers' Huts in the Theban Mountains" , began work at the site of the workers' huts in 2008. They will work for four field seasons of three months each. The IFAO Excavations at Deir el-Medina, Cédric Gobeil's thorough examination of the archives of the Institut français d'archéologie orientale (IFAO), published on Oxford Handbooks online, details the history of the archaeological excavations and other field activities conducted by the Institute at the site of Deir el-Medina since the early 20th century. A free PDF version is available at http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935413.001.0001/oxfordhb- 9780199935413-e-32?rskey=vK0AHG&result=1 All the photos accompanying the "History of excavation" come from the area in the southeast corner of the main Ptolemaic temple enclosure. The text on this page was written by Lenka Peacock Photography © Lenka and Andy Peacock Aerial view of Deir el-Medina This wonderful photo of Deir el-Medina was taken by Warwick Barnard of Sydney, Australia, during his balloon flight over the Theban West Bank in the early hours of 17 January 2007. Little has changed since then. The aerial view is an ideal tool for understanding the layout of the site from east to west, where the sacred mountain of al-Qurn rises. Please use the legend below as a guide and the links for more detailed information and closer views of individual parts of the settlement. Photography © Warwick Barnard 2007 A - The settlement B - The Ptolemaic temple of Hathor and Ma'at C - The Western necropolis D - The Eastern necropolis E - The great pit F - The chapel of Hathor of Seti I G - The temple of Amenhotep I H - The temple of Amun of Ramesses II I - The French dig house J - Towards the rock shrine of Ptah and Meretseger K - Sennedjem's house L - The ancient path to the Valley of the Kings and to the stone huts at the top of the cliffs M - Modern car park N - The tourist rest house & bookstall Western necropolis tombs: TT1 - Sennedjem's tomb TT2 - Khabekhenet's tomb TT3 - Pashedu's tomb TT5 - Neferabu's tomb TT8 - Kha's tomb TT212 - Ramose TT218-220 TT290 - Irynefer TT291 - Nakhtmin and Nu's tomb TT338 - May TT1159 - Sennefer's tomb Sources: 1.Reeves, Nicholas: The complete Valley of the Kings : tombs and treasure of Egypt's greatest pharaohs. London : Thames and Hudson, 1996. 2.David, A. Rosalie: The pyramid builders of ancient Egypt : a modern investigation of Pharaoh's workforce. London : Routledge, 1986. 3. Černý, Jaroslav: Egypt from the death of Ramesses III to the end of the 21st dynasty. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1965. 4. Pharaoh's workers : the villagers of Deir el-Medina / edited by Leonard H. Lesko Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 1994. 5. Clayton, Peter A.: Chronicles of the Pharaohs : the reign-by-reign record of the rulers and dynasties of ancient Egypt London : Thames & Hudson, 1994. 6. James, T.G.H.: Pharaoh's people : scenes from life in Imperial Egypt New York : Tauris Parke, 2003. 7. Strudwick, Nigel and Helen: Thebes in Egypt : a guide to the tombs and temples of ancient Luxor London : British Museum Press, 1999. 8. Montserrat, Dominic and Meskell, Lynn: Mortuary archaeology and religious landscape at Graeco- Roman Deir el-Medina. IN: JEA 83, p. 179-197. 9. Romer, John: Ancient lives : the story of the Pharaoh's tombmakers London : Phoenix, 1984. 10. McDowell, A.G.: Village life in ancient Egypt : laundry lists and love songs Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999. 11. Černý, Jaroslav: A community of workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period Cairo : Institut Francais d'archeologie Orientale du Caire, 1973. 12. Ventura, Raphael: Living in a city of the dead : a selection of topographical and administrative terms in the documents of the Theban necropolis Freiburg (Schweiz) : Universitatsverlag, 1986. 13. Bomann, Ann H.: The private chapel in ancient Egypt : a study of the chapels in the workmen's village at el Amarna with special reference to Deir el-Medina and other sites. London : Kegan Paul International, 1991. 14. Théby : město bohů a faraónů = Thebes : city of gods and pharaohs / Jana Mynářová & Pavel Onderka (eds.) Praha : Národní Museum, 2007. 15. Brooker, M. L.: A new approach of identifying the function of the elevated beds at Deir el- Medina. A thesis: The University of Birmingham, Master of Philosophy. Birmingham : University of Birmingham, June 2009. 196 p. 16. Hobson, Christine: Exploring the world of the pharaohs London : Thames and Hudson, 1990. 17. Burzacott, Jeff: The Tomb of Sennedjem discovered IN : Nile Magazine, no. 11, December 2017 - January 2018, pp. 17-21. 18. http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935413.001.0001/oxfordhb- 9780199935413-e-32?rskey=vK0AHG&result=1 Further bibliography Back to top

The Nicholson Museum at the University of Sydney houses the most important collection of the Eastern Mediterranean art within Australia. The foundation of this collection was laid by donation of over 400 ancient Egyptian objects by Sir Charles Nicholson in 1860. Nicholson Museum, Sydney, Australia The Nicholson Museum at the University of Sydney houses the most important collection of Eastern Mediterranean art in Australia. The foundation of this collection was laid in 1860 with the donation of over 400 ancient Egyptian objects by Sir Charles Nicholson. Sir Charles Nicholson (1808-1903) was a scholar, traveller, collector of antiquities, books and manuscripts, and an influential political figure. The Egyptian antiquities were collected by Nicholson during his trip to Egypt in 1856-1857. The provenance of many objects has had to be painstakingly researched and pieced together from fragmentary records, as Nicholson's home in Hertfordshire, England, was destroyed by fire in 1899. Part of his library, containing his archives and papers, was lost in the blaze. The Egyptian collection covers all periods of Egyptian history, from prehistory to Roman times. Sir Charles Nicholson donated much of the Egyptian collection to the University and further objects were acquired from Abydos, Diospolis Parva, el-Mahasna, el-Amrah and Qasr Ibrim by the Egypt Exploration Fund (now the Society) in London in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. http://sydney.edu.au/museums/ collections/nicholson_egypt.shtml.shtml Photograph © Warwick Barnard 2009 A catalogue of the 408 objects collected during the tour was printed in 1858. Edward Reeve published Catalogue of the Museum of Antiquities of the University of Sydney in 1870. In 1891 a revised version of the catalogue was published in London as Aegyptiaca. The publication was prepared by Joseph Bonomi with translations of ancient Egyptian inscriptions by Samuel Birch, Director of the Department of Egyptian Antiquities at the British Museum, and by D. I. Heath of Trinity College, Cambridge. I would like to thank Dr Elizabeth Bollen, Curatorial Assistant at the Nicholson Museum, who kindly provided the images of the objects and gave me permission to publish them on this website. This site would not have been possible without the help and encouragement of Warwick Barnard of Sydney. "Photography © Sydney University Museums Text written by Lenka Peacock. Hieratic ostrakon with an account of an industrial dispute Limestone Height: 7.5 cm Width: 11.25 cm 20th dynasty From Deir el-Medina Inventory number: NM R97 The ostrakon bears part of a text in Ramesside hieratic. The content deals with the strikes and demonstrations that broke out towards the end of the reign of Ramesses III (c. 1155 BC) and seriously disrupted work on the royal tombs for several years. The date on the first line of the recto is lost, but Jac Janssen suggests that the record of events confirms the first year of Ramesses IV (c. 1151 BC) as the most likely date of this ostrakon (Janssen, 1997, p. 164). The beginning of the text records the members of a delegation to the necropolis. The high priest Ramessenakhte, the royal butler Amenkhew, the mayor of the city, the scribe of the mat Hori, his colleague Paser, the deputy of the granary Meryptah and a setem-priest summoned the two chief workmen together with the two scribes and the rest of the crew (Janssen, 1997, p. 163). In Aegyptiaca, the ostrakon is described as the 97th object: "Fragment of Fine Lime-stone, inscribed on both sides in beautiful hieratic handwriting of the time of Rameses in black ink. The same piece of stone had been used before with writing in the same character, but in red ink. The fragment is nearly flat, but not quite square, and probably the inscription is almost perfect. It measures 4 1/2 inches long by 3 inches wide". The recto contains parts of five lines written in a practised hand, which slopes slightly to the right (Ray, 2006, p. 215). The translation of this fragment by the Rev. D.J. Heath. From right to left - Lieutenant Amen - territorial scribe Hora, scribe of wine skins, Pioer-Lieutenant of the granaries maise .... of Thoth - forwarded to the citadel of the citadel of the scribe Ament, the scribe Hora. Translation from Aegyptiaca: 1891, p. 38 [Year x, month y, day z: (On) this day (there was) the arrival (?) ... by ... (?) the High Priest of Amon)(?), Rames]es(?)nakhte, the Royal Butler, Amonkhau, the Royal Butler ... of Town, the Meryptah, the setem priest, Djehuty [...(?), and they c]ame to the "lock up" of the Tomb, and had [summoned the] two [foremen], the Scribe Amonnakhte, the Scribe Horisheri, and the en[tire] crew. Translation from Eyre: 1979, p. 80 [Day ... On this day there arrived ... the High Priest of Amun Ramesse]-nakhte, the royal cupbearer Amenkhau, the royal butler ... of the City (i.e. Thebes), the accounts scribe Hori of the City, the accounts scribe Pasiur ... the deputy of the granary Meriptah, the setem-priest Thot-[..., and they c]ame to the compound of the Tomb. They [summoned the] two [foremen of the gang], the scribe Amennakhte, the scribe Harsher (alternatively, Hori the title), and the ent[ire] gang. Translation Ray 2006, p. 215 Copied by Lenka Peacock after Jaroslav Černý's transcription, now deposited in the archives of the Griffith Institute in Oxford, Černý Mss, 17.49.66(3). The verso contains parts of a further five lines written by the same hand. The line at the bottom of the ostrakon is partially broken off. It contains a 'strike' entry. The men stated that they were hungry and had no wood, vegetables or fish, which was confirmed by the officials of the court (Janssen, 1997, p. 164). The translation of this fragment by the Rev. D.J. Heath. From right to left - ... passage along the road there was thirst... ...they made us pass the road... ...we were fowls, corn, and fishes... ...supplies forwarded to sustain the chief... Translation from Aegyptiaca: 1891, p. 37 ...the gang having walked out, since they were hungry, [saying], "We have walked out because we are hungry; there is no wood, no vegetables, no fish." ... the Tomb. So they went to consult the magistrate[s] of the Council, who declared, "[The people of the Tomb?] are in the right." ... Translation from Ray 2006, p. 215 The hieroglyphic text copied by Lenka Peacock after Jaroslav Černý's transcription, now deposited in the archives of the Griffith Institute in Oxford, Černý Mss, 17.49.66(3). The text of the ostrakon is one of a series of so-called "strike documents" of the mid-20th dynasty. The known strike texts are similar in style and format: they are administrative memoranda related to the supply and labour problems of the royal tomb. Sequences of actions are found on ostraka, e.g. on O. Cairo 25533, O. Berlin 10633, O. DeM 571. The best known strike document is the Turin Strike Papyrus from the year 29 of Ramesses III. ...the gang having walked out, since they were hungry, [saying], "We have walked out because we are hungry; there is no wood, no vegetables, no fish." ... the Tomb. So they went to consult the magistrate[s] of the Council, who declared, "[The people of the Tomb?] are in the right." ... Translation from Ray 2006, p. 215 [Day ... On this day there arrived ... the High Priest of Amun Ramesse]-nakhte, the royal cupbearer Amenkhau, the royal butler ... of the City (i.e. Thebes), the accounts scribe Hori of the City, the accounts scribe Pasiur ... the deputy of the granary Meriptah, the setem-priest Thot-[..., and they c]ame to the compound of the Tomb. They [summoned the] two [foremen of the gang], the scribe Amennakhte, the scribe Harsher (alternatively, Hori the title), and the ent[ire] gang. Translation Ray 2006, p. 215 It is generally assumed that the authorship of the Sydney ostrakon belongs to the scribe Amennakhte, who is known as the author of the Turin papyrus. Although Eyre argues that a memorandum of this type was usually written by one of the scribes present (Eyre, 1979, p. 85), it is not clear that the hand was that of either Amennakhte or his son, the scribe Horisheri. He suggests that we may be dealing with a "school" of hands closely associated with Deir el-Medina in the early and mid-20th dynasty. In addition to NM R97, there is another object from Sir Charles Nicholson's collection that is listed as possibly from Deir el-Medina. In Aegyptiaca the object is described as No.2. "Part of a vertical inscription in hieroglyphs. According to Mr Birch, this is the end of the funeral formula of a person called Sa-Sati, auditor of complaints (judge) of the Lord of the Earth, i.e. the King. The forms of the letters are in the style of those of Thebes, in the 18th dynasty. This fragment preserves the original colours, except that the blue, which is derived from copper, has become greenish. The hieroglyphs are carved. Limestone, 10.5 cm high". Trapezoidal fragment with carved hieroglyphic inscription Limestone 19th-20th dynasty Height: 26.25 cm Inventory number: NM R2 The signs below n kA n give the title which reads sDm-aS,straditionally translated as 'servant' ('one who hears thessummons'). The first part reads: n kA n sDm-aS n nb-tAwy 'for the ka of the servant of the Lord of the Two Lands'. The remainder of the inscription is the name of the servant: sA-wADy mAa-xrw 'Sa-wadjy, justified'. Translation by Jan Kunst, Holland,2009 The existence of at least six men with the name Sa-Wadjyt/Siwadjet is preserved in textual evidence on stelae, ostraka, and in graffiti, tomb scenes and a papyrus from in and around Deir el-Medina: Sa-Wadjyt (i), husband of Tawosret, who lived sometime during the reign of Ramesses II, Sa-Wadjyt (ii), son of Irynefer, Sa-Wadjyt (iii), husband (?) of Meretseger, Sa-Wadjyt (vi), son of Tanehsy, whose case is preserved on O Petrie 16 and dates to the very early 20th dynasty, Sa-Wadjyt (v), father of Qenymin and Sa-Wadjyt (vi), son of Huy. These individuals lived during the 19th and 20th dynasties. Without the recorded provenance of the fragment and in the absence of names of any relatives, we cannot attribute the inscription to the particular S a-Wadjyt, although a fragmentary stela with a similar title "Servant of the Lord of the Two Lands in the Place of the Truth" was commissioned for Sa-Wadjyt (iv). Sources: 1. Reeve, E.: Catalogue of the Museum of Antiquities of the Sydney University Sydney : Cunninghame, 1870. 111 p. 2. Nicholson, C.: Aegyptiaca. Comprising a Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities Collected in the years 1856, 1857, and now deposited in the Museum of the University of Sydney. London : Harrison and Sons, 1891. 150 p. 3. Sowada, Karin N.: Sir Charles Nicholson : an Early scholar-traveller in Egypt IN: Egyptian art in the Nicholson Museum, Sydney. p. [1]-8. 4. Ray, John: Inscriptions and Ostraca in the Nicholson Museum IN: Egyptian art in the Nicholson Museum, Sydney. p. 215-216. 5. Eyre, C.J.: A "Strike" Text from the Theban Necropolis IN: Orbis Aegyptiorum Speculum. Glimpses of Ancient Egypt : Studies in Honour of H. W. Fairman Warminster : Aris & Phillips, 1979. 201 p. 6. Janssen, Jac. J.: Village Varia : Ten studies on the history and administration of Deir el-Medina Leiden : Nederlands Instituut voor het nabije Oosten, 1997. p. 163-164. 7. Davis, Benedict George: Genealogies and personality characteristics of the workmen in the Deir el-Medina community during the Ramesside Period. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Liverpool : University of Liverpool, February 1996. p. 307-310 8. http://sydney.edu.au/museums/collections/nicholson_egypt.shtml Further bibliography Back to top