The main cemetery of the royal workmen at Deir el-Medina is situated to the west of the village, on the slope of the Theban hills. Most of the tombs were built during the 19th dynasty. Some of them are impressive in their decoration and size. The tombs of Deir el-Medina The ancient Egyptians saw human life as cyclical, an experience that could be expected to repeat itself throughout eternity, like the endless reappearance of the sun at dawn. Death was not seen as an end, but as a further change leading to another form of existence. They recognised that death was inevitable, but believed that the afterlife could be reached by passing through it (Taylor, 2001, 12). This idea was the product of many centuries of thought. Eternal life could be secured by various means: devotion to the gods, preservation of the body through mummification, and the provision of statuary and other funerary equipment. The body and the various funerary objects were usually placed in a tomb. The tombs were almost always underground and usually consisted of a simple pit, a room cut into the rock, or a chamber made of mud brick or stone. The main cemetery of the royal workmen at Deir el-Medina is situated to the west of the village, on the slope of the Theban hills. Most of the tombs were built during the 19th dynasty. Some are impressive in their decoration and size. By the time of the 20th dynasty, the tombs had become family tombs where the descendants of the original owners were buried. Apart from the addition of another underground chamber, there were few alterations. The lower levels of the eastern hill of Qurnet Mura'i were the site of infant and child burials. More than a hundred children were buried there in ordinary domestic pottery jars or amphorae, in baskets, even fish baskets, in chests, boxes or in proper coffins. The poorest burials were those of stillborn babies. They contained no jewellery or amulets, only small vessels filled with food for the afterlife. The graves of adults were higher up. Many of these tombs date from the 18th dynasty. View of the cemetery on the north side of the of the settlement, looking west The tombs of the settlement had a basic layout: at ground level, a small open courtyard, a vaulted chapel of one or more rooms, surmounted by a brick pyramid topped by a stone pyramidion. A shaft in the courtyard led to an underground passage and a decorated burial chamber or chambers, depending on the means and status of the individual. The main underground chamber usually had a vaulted roof and was very richly decorated. Stelae were set into the mud-brick walls and a large stela, commemorating the deceased and depicting his funeral, was placed in the courtyard. A tomb located in the southern part of the settlement Some of the tombs are in excellent condition. They are decorated with vivid colours against a rich yellow background, possibly the colour of papyrus. The themes of the decorated walls are not scenes of daily life or funerary ceremonies, but are almost exclusively devoted to texts and scenes from the Book of the Dead, borrowing from the same repertoire of religious scenes that appear on the walls of royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings. As the Harpist's Song in the tomb of King Intef puts it: "Increase your happiness! Be not weary-hearted! Follow your heart and happiness! Make your things on earth! Do not destroy your heart, until that day of lamentation comes for you! The Weary-hearted does not hear their lamentation; mourning cannot save a man from the tomb-pit. Make holiday! Do not weary of it! Look, no one can take his things with him. Look, no one who has gone there returns again." (translation from Parkinson,1991,146) Inside the vaulted chapel The surviving niche of Ramose's chapel complex of his tomb no. 212. Chapel north of the tomb 356 List of Deir el-Medina tombs 1 - Sennedjem , Servant in the Place of Truth under Seti I and Ramesses II (also link to osirisnet.net ) 2 - Khabekhnet , Servant in the Place of Truth 3 - Pashedu , Servant in the Place of Truth on the west of Thebes (Also owner of tomb 326) 4 - Qen (link to the Griffith Institute Archive ), Chiseller of Amūn in the Place of Truth. (Perhaps also owner of tomb 337.) Rameses II 5 - Neferabu , Servant in the Place of Truth on the west of Thebes. Ramesside 6 - Neferhotep and son Nebnefer (link to osirisnet.net ) 7 - Ramose (link to osirisnet.net ) (also tombs 212 and 250) 8 - Kha, architect of Amenhotep II 9 - Amenmose 10 - Kasa and Penbuy (link to the Griffith Institute Archive ) 206 - Inpumheb, scribe of the Place of Truth 210 - Raweben 211 - Paneb 212 - Ramose , scribe of the Place of Truth (also tombs 7 and 250) (also link to osirisnet.net ) 213 - Penamun 214 - Khawi, guard in the Place of Truth 215 - Amenemopet, scribe of the king in the Place of Truth (link to the Griffith Institute Archive ) (also tomb 265) 216 - Neferhotep, the foreman (link to osirisnet.net ) 217 - Ipuy, sculptor under Ramesses II (link to the Griffith Institute Archive ) 218 - Amenakhte and Iymway . Excavated by Bruyère in 1928 219 - Nebenmaat . Excavated by Bruyère in 1928 220 - Khaemteri . Excavated by Bruyère in 1928 250 - Ramose, scribe of the Place of Truth (link to osirisnet.net ) (also tombs 7 and 212) 265 - Amenemopet, scribe of the king in the Place of Truth (also tomb 215) 266 - Amennakht, chief craftsman of the Lord of the Two Lands in the Place of Truth 267 - Hay, officer of workmen in the Place of Truth 268 - Nebnakhte (family tomb) 290 - Irynefer 291 - Nakhtmin or Nu 292 - Pashedu 298 - Baki or Wennefer 299 - Inherkau (also tomb 359) 321 - Khaemopet 322 - Penshenabu 323 - Pashedu, draughtsman in the Place of Truth 325 - Simen 326 - Pashedu, foreman (also tomb 3) 327 - Turobay 328 - Hay 329 - Mose and Ipy 330 - Karo 335 - Nakhtamun (link to osirisnet.net ) 336 - Neferrenpet 337 - Eskhons and Qen, chiseller in the Place of Truth 338 - May 339 - Huy or Pashedu (Ramesside Period) 340 - Amenemhat (link to osirisnet.net ) (also tomb 354) 354 - Amenemhat (also tomb 340) 355 - Amenpahapy 356 - Amonemuia. Excavated by Bruyère in 1928 357 - Tutihermaktuf. Excavated by Bruyère in 1929 359 - Inherkau, foreman in the Place of Truth under Ramesses III and IV (also tomb 299)(link to osirisnet.net ) 360 - Qeh, foreman in the Place of Truth 361 - Huy, main carpenter in the Place of Truth Tombs and pits excavated by Bruyère in 1928 1102 - 19th dynasty 1119 - Ramesside tomb - 1129 - 18th dynasty 1130 - situated 9 m north of the court of TT337 1131 - situated 4 m at 6 degrees north of TT337. 18th dynasty objects found 1132 - situated 10 m north of No 1130 1133 - situated 9 m from TT3. 5 steps staircase, simple chamber, amphorae fragments found 1134 - situated east of TT1133 1135 - situated 10 m east of TT325 chapel 1136 - situated 8.20 m south-west of TT325 chapel 1137 - situated 5.35 m north-east of TT337 court. 18th dynasty brick and 18th dynasty hieratic inscription found found 1138 - Nakhy and Amenwahsu. Situated south of TT325 chapel. 18th dynasty. 64 funerary cones found 1139 - situated 14 m north of TT337 1140 - 18th dynasty 1141 - situated 8 m east of 1139 1142 - situated 5 m east of TT337 1143 - situated 8.7 m east of 1140. Pit 2.9 m deep. Pottery fragments found 1144 - situated 5 m nort-east of 1139. Pit 3.45 m deep. 18th dynasty. Pottery fragments found 1145 - situated 13 m east of TT 340. Pit 3.65 m deep. 18th dynasty. Pottery 1146 - rectangular, 3.2 m long 1147 - 1148 - style of the 18th dynasty 1149 - situated 8.7 m north of TT329 court and 8.2 m west of TT250 chapel 1150 - north of TT250. Brick with cartouche of Tuthmosis IV (1419-1386 BC) found. 18th dynasty 1151 - fragments of pottery found 1152 1153 1154 1155 1156 1157 1158 1159 - pit 1. Hermes, pit 2. Sennefer 1160 - situated south of TT250. 18th dynasty 1162 - 18th dynasty 1163 - 18th and 19th dynasty. Brick with cartouche of Tuthmosis I (1524-1518 BC) 1161 - 18th dynasty, pit 3.90 m, 1 vertical chamber 1164 - 18th, 19th dynasty. Pottery found. The owner identified as Aamek 1165 - 18th dynasty 1166 - name of the owner lost, 18th dynasty 1168 - 18th dynasty 1169 - 18th dynasty 1170 - 18th dynasty. 1171 1172 1173 1174 1176 - 18th dynasty 1180 - 18th dynasty 1181 - 18th dynasty 1182 - 18th dynasty 1183 1184 1206 - anonymous The text on this page was written by Lenka Peacock using the sources below. Photography © Lenka and Andy Peacock Sources: 1. Benderitter, Thierry: https://www.osirisnet.net/tombes/artisans/e_artisans.htm 2. Bruyère, Bernard : Tombes Thebaines. La Necropole de Deir el-Medineh. Tom 1. Cairo : 1926. 3. Bruyère, Bernard: Rapport sur les Fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1928) Le Caire : Imprimerie de l'Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, 1929. 4. David, A. Rosalie: The pyramid builders of ancient Egypt : a modern investigation of Pharaoh's workforce. London : Routledge, 1986. 5. Deir el-Medina in the third millenniuim AD : a tribute to Jac. J. Janssen / edited by R. J. Demarée and A. Egberts Leiden : Nederlands Instituut voor Het Nabije Oosten, 2000. 6. Janssen, Rosalind and Janssen, Jac. J.: Growing up and getting old in ancient Egypt London : Golden House Publications, 2007. 7. Parkinson, Richard: Voices from Ancient Egypt London : British Museum Press, 1991. 8. Shaw, Ian: British Museum dictionary of ancient Egypt. London : British Museum Press, 1995. 9. Taylor, John H.: Death and the afterlife in ancient Egypt London : British Museum Press, 2001. 10. Waseda University Institute of Egyptology web site at http://www.waseda.jp/prj-egypt/sites/DeM/DeM-E.html 11. Weeks, Kent R.: The treasures of Luxor and the Valley of the Kings Cercelli : White Star Publishers, 2005 Further bibliography Back to top

Irynefer's tomb no 290 at Deir el-Medina. It lies at the far end of the Western cemetery and shares the forecourt with the earlier tomb of Nu and Nakht-Min TT 291. Irynefer's tomb no 290 at Deir el-Medina The tomb is located at the far end of the western cemetery and shares the forecourt with the earlier tomb of Nu and Nakht-Min TT 291 . It consists of an entrance, an antechamber and a burial chamber. The owner of the tomb was Irynefer, a necropolis workman of the Ramesside Period. He lived in the village in the 19th dynasty during the early part of Ramesses II's reign. His title was the "Servant in the Place of Truth". Photography © Elvira Kronlob 2011 The entrance to the tomb was identified by Bernard Bruyère during the season of 1922/1923. Bruyère's drawing of the exact position of the tomb and its surroundings can be found in his manuscript MS 2004 0144 017, dated Januray 31st 1923, which was digitised by IFAO. It marks the outline of the tomb and numbers it as 290: http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/archives/bruyere/?id=MS_2004_0144_017 Bruyère's dig diary MS_2004_0144_018 from January 27th 1923 mentions excavations in the Northern area of the Western necropolis, where a large court with 2 tomb entrances was discovered. Each entrance had a shaft in front of it. Bruyère suggested that P1 (on his plan) could be entrance into Irynefer's (AriNefer) tomb. Fragments of several ancient Egyptian objects and a lamp from Christian times were found in this area. http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/archives/bruyere/?id=MS_2004_0144_018 Another, later, plan dated February 9th 1923 comes from Bruyère's manuscript MS 2004 0144 027 and shows the name of AriNefer with a question mark: http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/archives/bruyere/?id=MS_2004_0144_027 The photographs of the entrance to the tomb and its immediate surroundings in November 2011. Unless otherwise stated, all the photographs on this page are © Elvira Kronlob 2011-2012 The steps leading down towards the entrance into the antechamber The tomb is one of the most interesting of the Ramesside tombs due to its beautifully decorated vaulted burial chamber. A short passage leads to the burial chamber. It is decorated with hieroglyphs and a reclining jackal of Anubis looking towards the entrance of the tomb. The brick vault of the burial chamber was plastered and decorated with colourful scenes and inscriptions giving the names and titles of family members. The background of the scenes was painted yellow. The scenes include illustrations of various spells from the Book of the Dead, images of funerary deities, demons and manifestations of the deceased's ba and shadow. All photographs of the interior of the burial chamber are © by Elvira Kronlob 2012 and were taken in autumn 2012. I am very grateful to her for taking them and for giving me permission to publish them on our website. We will start the tour of the tomb by looking to the right of the entrance towards the north wall. Irynefer stands in the centre with his hands raised in worship towards a frieze that decorates this wall and extends over the western wall. It is interspersed with protective symbols and hieroglyphs in which the baboon is followed by an uraeus separated from the next by a feather, symbol of Ma'at (Germond, 2001, 244). The right side of the upper register is mostly destroyed. Below the destroyed scene in the middle register, Irynefer kneels before Osiris and two gatekeepers. The upper register of the northern wall shows a representation of the god Khepri seated in front of an offering table and a sep priest standing behind him. At the entrance the visitor faces the western wall and the frieze described above. In the shrine within the frieze Ma'at and Shu are seated on the left. In front of Shu there are 42 judges of the dead (Osiris is the 43rd judge). Here Irynefer swears that he has not committed any of a list of 42 sins (each judge is responsible for 1 sin) and recites a text known as the "negative confession" from the Book of the Dead. "...I did not cause the suffering of the people, nor of my relatives.... " The upper register above the frieze depicts various deities. Next to the shrine is a representation of Irynefer worshipping Horus in the form of a falcon. Horus holds a flagellum, the symbol of regeneration and rebirth, which gave him the power to decide who would enter the afterlife. The lower register on the far side of the western wall shows Anubis leading Irynefer to Osiris seated on his throne. Above the scene with Osiris is the vignette of the unusual Spell 135 of the Egyptian Book of the Dead. Although the text of the spell is not present, the depiction of 5 deities, 7 stars and a disc against a dark background occurs in 5 other 19th dynasty tombs from Deir el-Medina. According to David G. Smith, the spell could be a reference to the flash of the solar corona and to "Bailey's Beads", flashes of light that occur at the precise moment of a total eclipse (for source see below bibl. 11, 12). "Another spell to be said when the moon is new on the first day of the month. Open, O cloudiness! The bleared Eye of Re is covered, and Horus proceeds happily every day, even he the great of shape and weighty of striking-power, who dispels bleariness of eye with his fiery breath." (Faulkner, 2000,123) The image on the south wall, on the left side of the burial chamber, shows the mummification of the deceased, who is lying on a bed with lion heads. The mummification is performed by Anubis, the jackal-headed god of the dead. The last wall to be described within the burial chamber is the eastern wall. In the lower register, we see Irynefer standing in the solar barque worshipping the phoenix, the symbol of the sun god of Heliopolis. The phoenix in the form of a grey heron wears the solar disk, the image of Re and assures Irynefer of his future rebirth in the manner of the sun (Germond, 2001, 258). In the register above, the couple is praying to a young bull-calf standing between 2 sycamore trees, the sacred trees of Heliopolis, the calf being a prefiguration of the solar bull moving through the sky (Germond, 2001, 239). Horus with the cow goddess Hesat, a manifestation of Hathor, on a reed mat by a pond, are depicted above the calf scene. The following scene spans both registers: Irynefer's parents, whose age is indicated by their white hair, pay homage to Ptah, the patron deity of craftsmen. Irynefer himself kneels in front of Ptah's throne and offers a figure of the goddess Ma'at (Hawass, 2009, 195-197). The rear part of the eastern wall is divided into two registers. The upper register is dominated by an extraordinary scene: it shows the worshipped god Ptah standing in front of the enshrined black shadow of the deceased and two ba-birds. One flies, the other sits in front of a black sun. Just above the arch of the entrance to the chamber is the green-skinned winged goddess Nut, whose name is indicated by the hieroglyphs above her head. Nut kneels before Horus and Hesat. We now turn to the last representation in the chamber, which is located at the top of the eastern wall near the entrance. The scene is very similar to a scene in TT3, the tomb of Pashedu: Irynefer kneels before a dom palm and drinks from a pool of fresh water (Dodson, 2008, 266-269). The illustration belongs to a spell for "drinking water in the necropolis" in the Book of the Dead. The design had to accommodate 3 different viewpoints: the pool is seen from above, Irynefer is kneeling on the bank on the far side so as not to obscure the water, and the tree is growing on the near side of the pool so as not to obscure the kneeling figure (Málek, 2003, 242). To view more photos of the inside of the tomb, follow the link to Claudia Ali and Ali Na'im's web site at http://www.leben-in-luxor.de/luxor_kultur_graeber_tt290_irunefer.html In the summer of 2010 Irynefer's tomb was briefly opened to visitors; by autumn 2010 it was closed again. In the middle of December 2011 the tomb opened while Sennedjem's TT1 closed. Jane Akshar described her visit to the tomb on her blog at http://luxor-news.blogspot.com/2010/08/new-tomb-opens-at-deir-el-medina.html Objects from the tomb are scattered around the globe in several museums. Photography Lenka Peacock © Petrie Museum, UCL Stela of Irynefer 19th dynasty From Deir el-Medina Sandstone Musee du Louvre. C311 Painted stela of the 'Artisan of the Royal Tombs', Irynefer and his family. The stela comes from the tomb chapel. Upper register: from left: Anubis seated behind Osiris, both facing the divine Amenhotep I and his mother Ahmose Nefertari. The 2 lower registers show Irynefer and his wife censing in front of his parents and brothers. In contrast to the wall painting in Irynefer's tomb, where both Irynefer and his wife wear white wigs, this stela shows Irynefer's father Siwadjyt as a white-haired man. These two examples, of which there are only a few, suggest an old age. They all seem to come from the New Kingdom, especially from the tombs of Deir el-Medina (Janssen, 2007, 159-161). Stela of Irynefer 19th dynasty From Deir el-Medina, tomb 290 Limestone Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology , University College London, UC14545 The lower part of this round stela is missing. The upper part shows the remains of a raised relief of the god Ptah facing forward. At the bottom of the right side of the stela there are remains of a man with his arms raised in worship - his head is turned to the left and his hands survive. The lower left side shows the remains of a pile of offerings. The rest of the stela is filled with 5 columns of hieroglyphic inscriptions identifying the worshipper as Irynefer, the Servant in the Place of Truth. Height: 22 cm Width: 20.5 cm Photography Soloegipto 2009 © Musée du Louvre To view Bruyère's drawing of the place where the stela was found, go to http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/archives/bruyere/?id=MS_ 2004_0144_035 Irynefer before a table of bread 19th dynasty From Deir el-Medina Musee du Louvre. E12965 Found in the tomb of Irynefer. Irynefer is seated on a rock, brandishing two knives. The short text above the offerings indicates that the knives are sharpened. The text of five vertical lines above gives the names and affiliations of Irynefer. The knives are supposed to express Irynefer's power over evil. Perhaps this ostakon was intended to invoke protection. Photography Su Bayfield 2008 © Musée du Louvre Further web sites featuring the tomb: http://www.touregypt.net/featurestories/Irunefert.htm To view and browse the digitised version of The Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Reliefs and Paintings, (also known as Porter & Moss or TopBib) for this tomb, go to http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/topbib/pdf/pm1-1.pdf#page=372 Material for the Bibliography is gathered from an ever-expanding range of multi-lingual sources, encompassing both specialist and semi-popular Egyptological and Near Eastern publications, periodicals, museum guides, exhibition and auction catalogues, together with the growing wealth of web resources. The Bibliography also analyses a range of unpublished manuscripts, including those housed in the Griffith Institute Archive. Published in May 2014 by the Griffith Institute, University of Oxford, the volumes are constantly revised and augmented. Sources: 1. Dodson, Aidan - Ikram, Salima: The tomb in ancient Egypt : royal and private sepulchres from the early dynastic period to the Romans London : Thames & Hudson, 2008. 2. Janssen, Rosalind and Janssen, Jac. J.: Growing up and getting old in ancient Egypt London : Golden House Publications, 2007. 3. Hawass, Zahi: The lost tombs of Thebes : Life in paradise. London : Thames and Hudson, 2009. 4. Germond, Philippe and Livet, Jacques: An Egyptian bestiary : animals in life and religion in the land of the Pharaohs. London : Thames and Hudson, 2001. 5. Bierbrier, Morris : The tomb-builders of the pharaohs Cairo : The American University in Cairo Press, 1982. 6. Les artistes de Pharaon : Deir el-Médineh et la Vallée des Rois : Paris, musée du Louvre, 15 avril - 5 aout 2002 Paris : Réunion des Musées Nationaux, 2002. 7. Faulkner, R. O.: The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead London : British Museum Press, 2000. 8. Málek, Jaromír: Egypt : 4000 years of art London : Phaidon Press, 2003. 9. http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/archives/bruyer 10. http://www.leben-in-luxor.de/luxor_kultur_graeber_tt290_irunefer.html 11. http://www.diskdoctor.co.uk/texts/Solar%20Eclipses%20%28Dave%20Smith%29%20-%20Part%201.pdf 12. http://www.diskdoctor.co.uk/texts/Solar%20Eclipses%20%28Dave%20Smith%29%20-%20Part%202.pdf Further bibliography Back to top

Located in the western cemetery at Deir el-Medina, TT218 belonged to Amennakht, TT219 to Nebenmaat and TT220 to Khaemteri, who all held the same title of "Servant in the Place of Truth" during the reign of the 19th dynasty's king Ramesses II (1,279 BC-1,213 BC) TT218, TT219 and TT220 "Three tombs of the ‘Servants in the Place of Truth’ open to the public at Deir el-Medina" Three tombs were opened to the public for the first time on 13 May 2016, following the completion of their restoration, Minister of Antiquities Khaled El-Anany announced in his statement. Located in the western cemetery of Deir el-Medina, TT218 belonged to Amennakht, TT219 to Nebenmaat and TT220 to Khaemteri, who all held the same title of "Servant of the Place of Truth" during the reign of King Ramesses II of the 19th dynasty (1,279 BC-1,213 BC), said Mahmoud Afifi, head of the Department of Ancient Egyptian Antiquities at the Ministry of Antiquities. All three tombs were originally excavated by Bernard Bruyère in 1928. They are located in the southern part of the western necropolis, between Sennedjem's TT1 and Irynefer's TT290. The tombs belong to one family - the tomb chapel of Nebenmaat (ii) TT219, located between those of his father Amennakht (xxi) TT218 and his brother Khaemteri TT220, can be dated accurately to the first half of Ramesses II's reign on the basis of the dates contained in the mostly intact painted scenes on the tomb walls. They are of great importance in the compilation of invaluable genealogical data (Davis, 1996, 278). The recent IFAO season completed preparations for the opening of the tomb complex to the public. Past missions have been spent clearing the tomb floors, making topographical plans, photographing the walls and their paintings, and installing wooden floors, electricity and finally glass panels to protect the painted scenes, said Cédric Gobeil, director of the IFAO mission to Deir el-Medina. The courtyard of this group of tombs leads to the first antechamber with polychrome paintings similar to those in the tombs of Sennedjem, Pashedu and Inherkau. The second antechamber, in which the plastered walls were painted white, leads to the tomb complex. TT218 is almost identical in decoration to the first antechamber. It contains traditional views of family members engaged in various activities, as well as illustrations of various spells from the Book of the Dead and images of funerary deities. It belonged to Amennakht and his wife Iyemwaw. The burial chamber of Nebenmaat and his wife Mertseger in TT219 is completely different: its walls were painted in a monochrome style - the background is white with scenes painted in yellow, red and black. This style of decoration is unique in Egypt: of the 53 decorated tombs at Deir el-Medina, only 22 are monochrome. The scenes include the image of Nebenmaat as a priest censoring and libation to his parents, a motif of the deceased and his wife with gods and family members, an image of Anubis tending to a mummy on a couch, and views of offerings made by the deceased to divinities and by Mertseger and her sons to various gods. An illustration of the funeral procession to the tomb also adorns the walls. The vaulted ceiling bears images of the gods and the deceased. Further into the tomb we find TT220, which belonged to Khaemteri and his wife Nofretsatet. The walls in this section are quite damaged, but traces of scenes show that they were painted in a monochrome style on a white background. The scenes include images of deities, a motif of a mummy on a couch, a view of a funerary banquet and an illustration of Anubis jackals. Press report from the Luxor Times magazine with many photos taken inside the tombs and with an excellent video including interviews with Cédric Gobeil (Egyptologist, IFAO) and Mostafa Al Saghis (Director of the South Qurna Antiquities Area) conducted above the site of Deir el-Medina and inside the burial chambers of TT218 and TT219: http://luxortimesmagazine.blogspot.nl/2016/05/exclusive-footage-ancient-egyptian.html On the occasion of the commemoration of a century of archaeological work (1917-2017) carried out by the IFAO at Deir el-Medina, an exhibition organised by Hanane Gaber, Laure Bazin Rizzo and Frederic Servajean brought together objects from the excavations preserved at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo and documents from the IFAO archives (excavation diaries and photographs). In addition to the installation of objects from Deir el-Medina that are normally displayed in different rooms of the museum, the general public and researchers were able to discover a virtual visit to an unpublished tomb from Deir el-Medina - TT218-TT219-TT220 - on screens installed in the room. The visit was carried out by @Olivier Onezime, a research engineer at the IFAO. The 3D model of the tombs is now available on Facebook at https://www.facebook.com/ifaocaire/videos/2199129870114222/? hc_ref=ARQvm414sXi9Venx8vAGLxJEiv3Zi5hPlNU7e6WWtz9HnZePOQGd4MPYCilJcyov9bQ Sources: 1. Davis, Benedict G.: Genealogies and personality characteristics of the workmen in the Deir el-Medina community during the Ramesside period. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Liverpool : University of Liverpool, February 1996. 2. Dodson, Aidan - Ikram, Salima: The tomb in ancient Egypt : royal and private sepulchres from the early dynastic period to the Romans London : Thames & Hudson, 2008. 3. http://luxortimesmagazine.blogspot.nl/2016/05/exclusive-footage-ancient-egyptian.html 4. https://www.facebook.com/ifaocaire/videos/2199129870114222/? hc_ref=ARQvm414sXi9Venx8vAGLxJEiv3Zi5hPlNU7e6WWtz9HnZePOQGd4MPYCilJcyov9bQ Further bibliography Back to top

The Berlin Museum and the German Orient Society (Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft) were granted a concession to excavate at Western Thebes during 1911-1913. Their work at Deir el-Medina was conducted under the leadership of Georg Möller, a distinguished paleographer, in 1913. Neues Museum, Berlin, Germany The Berlin Museum and the German Orient Society (Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft) were granted a concession to excavate at Western Thebes during 1911-1913. Their work at Deir el-Medina was conducted under the leadership of Georg Möller, a distinguished paleographer, between the 26th February and the 29th March 1913. Their dig covered 4 locations and resulted in numerous finds: more than 160 hieratic ostraka and 70 figured ostraka were recovered. 11 houses together with their contents were uncovered and within the Eastern cemetery 4 graves of children were located. Their results within the Western cemetery produced 10-13 excavated tombs (McDowell,1999,24-25). Rudolf Anthes published a brief report of the excavations based on Möller's notes in his Die deutschen Grabungenauf der Westseite von Theben in den Jahren 1911 und 1913 published in Sammlung des Heidelberger ägyptologischen Instituts in 1943. https://www.smb.museum/en/museums-institutions/neues-museum/collections-research/about-the-collection/ I would like to express my heartfelt thanks and gratitude to Dr. Helmut Satzinger, Professor of Egyptology, University of Vienna, Former Keeper of the Egyptian and Near Eastern Collection, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, who so kindly devoted his time and effort during my visit to the Museum. All photographs were taken by Lenka Peacock in 2011 and are © Neues Museum. I would also like to thank Jan Kunst from Holland for his constructive comments, corrections and additions to the following text, and to Ingeborg Waanders, also from Holland, for her expertise, support and encouragement. Representation of the deified queen Ahmose-Nefertari New Kingdom, 20th dynasty, 1152-1145 BC From Thebes, Inherkau's tomb TT 359 at Deir el-Medina Painted plaster Inv.-No.ÄM 2060 Ahmose-Nefertari wears a flowing, pleated dress, typical in representations of elite women of the Ramesside period (about 1295-1069 BC) rather than the period during which the Queen was alive. On her head she wears the vulture head-dress of the goddess Mut, consort of the god Amun of Thebes, surmounted by a sun-disc and ostrich plumes. The cobra on her crown and the flail in her hand indicate her royal status. The lotus blossom was often held by deceased women, thought to be representing rebirth. The black colour of Ahmose-Nefertari's skin does not reflect her true coloration, but may symbolise regeneration. Representation of the deified Pharaoh Amenhotep I New Kingdom, 20th dynasty, 1152-1145 BC. From Thebes, Inherkau's tomb TT 359 at Deir el-Medina Painted plaster Inv.-No.ÄM 2061 Amenhotep I is shown wearing a blue cap-wig, with a uraeus on its front. It is topped with a sun-disc. Amenhotep holds a crookand a flail, symbols of royalty, in his right hand. He holds an ankh, symbol of life, in his left hand. The king is shown wearing the classic shendjyt-kilt, and a longer see-through linen garment. To read more about the cult of the deified couple, follow the link to the Amenhotep temple at Deir el-Medina. Tomb relief of Khabekhnet in front of royal families From TT2 at Deir el-Medina New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, the reign of Merneptah, 1213-1203 BC Plaster Limestone Inv.-No.ÄM 1625 Khabekhnet was the eldest son of Sennedjem (TT1 ). He lived during the 19th dynasty when Ramesses II (1279-1212 BC) was on the throne. His title was "Servant in the Place of Truth". He lived in Deir el-Medina and worked in the royal tombs at the Valley of the Kings. Khabekhnet's house was located in the southwestern part of the village. It stood next to the house of his father Sennedjem (Théby,2007,276). Khabekhnet was buried along with his wife, Sahte, and their family in a tomb TT2 in the above and slightly to the south of his father's tomb. Khabekhnet's family was as extensive as Sennedjem's family. A stela found in the courtyard of the tomb contains the names of Khabekhnet, his brother Khons and several children: Mose, Anhotep, Amenemheb, Isis and Henutweret. Benedict Davies suggests they all were Khabekhnet's offspring (Davis,1999,45). The relief below comes originally from his tomb. It shows Khabekhnet standing in a gesture of adoration on the right in front of a row of deceased kings. The purpose of this relief might lie in the fact, that he could have been responsible for the care of their tombs. Votive stele of Ta New Kingdom, 20th dynasty, 1152-1145 BC. From Deir el-Medina Limestone Inv.-No.ÄM 20989 Osiris with a djed-pillar instead of his head Votive stele of a family praying to Meretseger From Deir el-Medina New Kingdom, 18th dynasty, around 1500 BC Inv.-No.ÄM 24029 Stela of Ubekhet praying in front of the snake goddess Meretseger son: Ani-Nakht From Deir el-Medina New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, around 1200 BC Inv.-No.ÄM 21565 Figured ostrakon New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, 1292-1187 BC From Deir el-Medina Limestone Inv.-No.ÄM 21446 The drawing represents a procession of a deity in its sacred shrine on a boat equipped with long wooden poles being carried by temple priests. During festivals the gods were taken out of their shrines and temples and their image - shrouded and invisible to the crowds of onlookers - were carried in processions in order to visit the neighbouring sanctuaries. The boats in which the shrines rested were constructed of foreign wood and were embellished with precious metals. The prow of the boat bears the likeness of the deity, in this case the ram's head signifies Amun (Meskell,2004,95-97). The ram is wearing a broad collar around his neck and his head is surmounted by a ureaus within a solar disk. The sacred shrine, which is located centrally on the boat, dominates the deck. The shrine does not seem to be veiled and is open to the view. The portable barque of the god is visible inside and is flanked by 2 protecting deities. The top of the shrine is flat and corniced, surmounted by a cobra frieze. On the prow two deities stand in front of a plumed Wepwawet standard. The deity on the left might represent the goddess Maat as a feather is apparent on her head. A reclining sphinx is placed behind the standard and faces the prow. The scene in front of the shrine is at first glance difficult to understand as it gives the impression that the two figures, standing behind the sphinx and facing the shrine, are interacting with each other. It is the opinion of Jan Kunst, a Dutch Egyptologist, that the impression was created by the fact that the artist run out of space and had to squeeze the figures slightly due to the shortened rendering of the barque dictated by the small size of the ostrakon. According to him both figures represent royal figures, one of a kneeling king (as often can be seen on depictions of the barque of Amun) and behind that a standing king offering a round jar (perhaps a nu jar containing milk or wine) in his outstretched arms. He concludes that similar figures - most likely wooden statues of the king that adorned the actual barque of Amun - were intended on this ostrakon. The drawing looks like a skillful draft for a larger work. Perhaps this is a study in preparation for a temple wall relief or a tomb painting representing a river barge of Amun. The scene is known from some 16 representations found in different locations around Egypt and ranging in date from the New Kingdom down to Ptolemaic times (Murnane,1979,18). A limestone relief of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, found within the enclosure of the Temple of Hathor at Deir el Medina, dating from the 1st year of reign of Ramesses II, now in Cairo Museum also carries this image and the ostrakon might be a draft for the relief similar to this one. In this relief a similar scene of the barque of Amun is shown on the East side of the South wall of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak. The king is shown offering the contents of a jar to the statue of Amun, which is placed inside the shrine. The goddesses Maat and Hathor stand on the prow. Ostrakon with king on his throne New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, 1192-1186 BC. From Deir el-Medina Limestone Inv. No. ÄM 21446 Ostrakon of a man driving a pied bull New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, 1292-1187 BC. From Deir el-Medina Limestone The body of the man, who walks alongside the small bull, is painted red, his kilt white. The piece is incomplete and the man's head and his right shoulder are missing. The herdsman's right arm rests on the back of the animal while his left hand rests above his head. The animal is outlined in black and painted mostly black with red markings. The baseline is indicated. The scene is skilfully drawn. It is one of the finest examples of its kind. Hieratic ostrakon 18th - 19th dynasty, 1540-1186 BC From Deir el-Medina Limestone Inv.-No. P 11253 Four lines in black ink of a hieratic inscription. "Month 2 of shemu last day of the month, the delay (?) of a man and another man sanctuary delay (?) 16". (Tranlated from German translation published at https://dem-online.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/recherche.php#conErgebnis ) Fragment of a hieroglyphic ostrakon From Deir el-Medina 20th dynasty, 1160 BC Limestone Inv.-No. P 14320 Hieroglyphic draft for an inscription in the tomb of Ramesses IV. Hieratic ostrakon From Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty, 1292-1190 BC. Limestone Inv.-No. P 14203 The fragment of this ostrakon written in hieratic script preserved a part of a school text called. "Kemyt". The work named Kemyt (The Compendium), an Egyptian word meaning "what completes, completion", or "what is completed", is mentioned in the 12th dynasty's (circa 1950 BC) The Satire of Trades, so it must be older than that, suggesting Kemyt was a standard text in the 12th dynasty. The greetings in Kemyt, found at the beginning of a letter it contains, are characteristic of formal letters dated to the 11th dynasty (circa 2000 BC), where the origin can be derived. The surviving copies are written in vertical columns divided by spacing lines, in red paint, rather than in horizontal lines written from right to left, which was the norm during the New Kingdom (James,2003,147-148). The appearance of the signs used is old fashioned, characteristic of early Middle Kingdom period. Why have more ostraka with portions of Kemyt survived than those bearing parts of any other literary text? There might be several reasons for that: the text of Kemyt is not particularly interesting (it is a model letter), so perhaps it was in its simplicity and in its lack of difficulties for the young scribe that it could have been used for scribal beginners. It could have been used as the first reader from which the student learned to handle the hieratic script both in reading and writing. Thanks to its standard formulae and expressions the exercise was easy to learn and hard to forget making the work ideal for instructional purposes. Ostrakon with names of kings From Deir el-Medina New Kingdom, 19th dynasty, around 1230 BC Pottery 15 x 10 cm Inv.-No. O. Berlin P 11235 Acquired by Ludwig Borchardt This smooth piece of yellowish brown pottery, probably a vessel fragment, is inscribed on the convex side with 5 + 2 lines in black ink. It is broken off at the upper left edge, end of line 1 is lost, line 3 is effaced. After line 5 there are two lines of writing effaced by the scribe. Classification: account - inventory : deficit Keywords: grain - oil Contents: Account of oil and grain. Below: titulary of Ramesses II. Terminology: ir n (2, 5); wDA.t (1); mn (5); mn.t it (4); gmy.t m sfT (1); gmy.t m Sbn.w (4); TAy (5) Names/Titles: Wsr-mAa.t-Ra stp.n-Ra anx wDA snb (nswt-bity, nb-tA.wy ; king; 5-6 Publication: Deir el Medine online, URL: http://dem-online.gwi.uni-muenchen.de (photograph, description, transcription, transliteration, translation and commentary) ©1998-2017 The Deir el-Medina Database, Leiden University http://dmd.wepwawet.nl/ Hieratic papyrus From Deir el-Medina Dates attributed: 20th dynasty, year 21 of Ramesses III and year 24 of Ramesses III Dimensions: 28 x 20.5 cm Inv.-No. P. Berlin P 10496 Acquired by H. Schäfer in Luxor in 1909 Dates mentioned: rnp.t-sp 21 I Smw sw 7 nswt-bity Wsr-mAa.t-Ra Mry-Imn anx wDA snb (recto 1); rnp.t-sp 24 I Smw sw 30 (verso 6) This is a small dark brown papyrus inscribed on the recto with 17 lines in black ink and on the verso with 15 lines in black but beginning of verso 6 in red ink. Verso 15 (docket) is written upside down along the lower edge. Top recto = bottom verso. The papyrus is damaged - first half of recto 15-17 and verso 1-3 are now lost. Contents: A committee inspecting the tomb of the workman 2a-m-Nwn found that it could be reached through the (nearby) tomb of the workman Imn-m-Ip.t (the speaker). The latter was asked to open his tomb. When inspected, it turned out that this tomb contained an uninscribed coffin. The matter was settled by an oath (by Imn-m-Ip.t ?). Three years later, Imn-m-Ip.t had a quarrel about his tomb with the workman Wn-nfr, who was accused of throwing the 'mistress' of Imn-m-Ip.t (i.e. the mummy of a female ancestor?) out of the tomb. This matter was also settled by an oath. Names and titles mentioned in the text: an. (pA HoA anx wDA snb ; verso 1); an. (Pr-aA anx wDA snb ; king; verso 4); an. (tAy=i Hnw.t ; f.; verso 10); Imn (deity; verso [1]); Imn-m-Ip.t sA Ra-mry (rmT-is.t ; verso 6); Imn-m-Ip.t (rmT-is.t ; recto 5); Imn-ms (verso 9); Imn-nxt (sS n TAty ; recto 7, verso 8); Imn-nxt (sS ; recto 2, 5, 17, verso 13); Imn-xa (idn.w ; recto 3, 5-6, verso 9); In-Hr-xa (idn.w ; recto 2-3, 6); In-Hr-xa (aA n is.t ; verso 8; cf. 2a ); ax-p.t (sS ; recto 16); Wn-nfr sA Pn-Imn (rmT-is.t ; verso 7); Wn-nfr (sS ; recto 2); BAk (verso 10); BAk-n-wrnr (rmT-is.t ; recto 10); PA-bAk (verso 13); Nfr-Htp (AT.w ; recto 6, verso 14); nswt-bity Wsr-mAa.t-Ra Mry-Imn anx wDA snb (king; recto 1); 1r sA 1y-nfr (recto 10); 1sy-sw-nb=f (rmT-is.t ; verso 8); 2a (aA n is.t ; verso 13 - for In-Hr-xa ); 2a-m-Nwn (rmT-is.t ; recto 4 - written 2a-Nwn ; 11 - no title); 2nsw (aA n is.t ; recto 2, 11, verso 7-8, 13) Incomplete: [...] (sS ; rt. 17) Text is related to the British Museum ostrakon EA 5624 and and ostrakon in the Archaeological Museum in Florence O. Florence 2621. Publication of the papyrus: 1. Allam: Hieratische Ostraka und Papyri, 277-280 (no. 265), pl. 80-83 (photograph, transcription, translation and commentary); 2. Blackman IN: JEA 12 (1926), 177-181 (translation, commentary); 3. G. Burkard, H. Fischer-Elfert: Aegyptische Handschriften 4 (Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland XIX, 4), Stuttgart 1994, 67, no. 92 (description; transcription and transliteration of recto 1 and verso 14); 4. Erman: Zwei Aktenstücke ... , 331-336, 339-347 (transcription, translation, commentary); 5. Helck: Materialien III, 348 and 349 (translation recto 1-14 and verso 6-12; commentary); 6. Kitchen. K.: Ramesside Inscriptions V, 476-478 (transcription); 7. Wilson IN: JNES 7 (1948), 139, nos. 57 and 58 (translation verso 1-5 and 11-14; commentary) (Description and other additional information accessed from the Deir el-Medina database of the Leiden University at http://www.wepwawet.nl/dmd/scripts/dmdobj.asp?id=P.%20Berlin%20P%2010496 ) Ancestral bust Possibly from Deir el-Medina New Kingdom Limestone with traces of pigment Inv.-No.ÄM 20994 Face features are carefully modelled with some paint remainig. The tripartite wig is painted. The front bears a hieroglyphic inscription mentioning the goddess Hathor with her title. There are a few gouges on the body and its face. 77 examples of anthropoid or ancestral busts have been revealed during excavations at Deir el-Medina, further 11 busts are attributed to the site by their owners or dealers or can be connected to Deir el-Medina on stylistic grounds, and 3 more busts that were in the Luxor and Cairo antiquities markets in 1934-1935 (probably originating from Bernard Bruyère's excavations) that are now lost (Keith,2011,8-9). The busts generally do not bear inscriptions, only 5 bear signs. Typically small, they measure from 10 to 25 cm in height and are made of limestone or sandstone. We can assume that most were originally painted as remains of pigment on some are evident. The gender of the most of the busts is open to question (Janssen,2007,187). The figures are referred to as 'ancestor busts'. It is thought that they were placed in the small shrine areas which seemed to form part of private homes, and played a part in the private devotions of the family. Five busts were found in houses at Deir el-Medina, where they could have been placed in wall niches in the first and second rooms. The wall niches are comparable in size, so this seems probable. Rather than representing anyone in particular, the busts anonymous nature suggests that they represent all the ancestors whom the family might wish to commemorate. Another theory is that they represent "the able spirit" of those, who had been authoritative in life, by inference, the older members of the community. In troubled times people turned to them for help, i.e. to a parent still remembered, not to an ancestor of long ago. Some of these must have been older women. Similar objects have been found at fourteen other sites from the central Delta to the Third Cataract. They were found in or near houses as well as in tombs and temples. Whether the context was domestic or religious we cannot be sure, but it is understood that for the worshiper the ancestor busts conjured up memories of a deceased relative. Doum-palm nuts From Deir el-Medina These 3 nuts come from a tree called doum palm ("hyphaene thebaica") which only grows in Upper Egypt, specifically in the region to the south of Abydos. Numerous depictions on the tomb walls from the New Kingdom show the tree, whose fruit was among the items wanted by the deceased. The fruits of the palm have been found in many tombs, from as early as the Predynastic Period. Basket with linen New Kingdom, 1540-1075 BC From Deir el-Medina Basketry, linen Inv.-No.ÄM 20995 Inv.-No.ÄM 7243 Folded linen, stained Two well-preserved pairs of sandals meant for a child From Deir el-Medina New Kingdom - Late Period, 1540-332 BC Vegetable fibres, leather Inv.-No. ÄM 10824/1,2 Inv.-No. ÄM 20998 In ancient Egypt a wide variety of materials - mainly organic (vegetable fibres, leather, wood) - was used to make footwear. There were various types of vegetable fibres such as palm leaf and fibre (the leaf sheath of a palm leaf), halfa grasses and reeds. Leather was oil-cured to make the skin durable. In earlier times sinew was used for sewing the parts together and later on flax was used but also, on a limited scale, leather thongs were employed. Scenes in tombs sometimes show leatherworkers making sandals they pull the strap through the sole with their teeth, put skin in vases with oil to make the skin durable or men are shown cleaning the skin. The production of fibre footwear is never shown. Some people believe that, therefore, it might have been a household activity. Scenes of sandalmakers are shown as part of a larger composition: a leather workshop where also other objects were made, such as chariots and weaponry (Veldmeijer,2014,18-19). 1. Sewn sandals Distinction is beeing made between three types of Sewn Sandals: type A, B and C. This pair represents the so-called A-Type: the soles are symmetrical or near-symmetrical lengthwise, thick and the number of transverse bundles is low (< 30). Both sandals have twelve transverse bundles (the front and especially the back one have a substantially smaller diameter), which are sewn in a fairly regular way. The transverse rows are finished with an edge, which is made in the same technique, i.e. a fibre core, which is wrapped and sewn with palm leaf strips. The triple edge is of unequal diameter - theouter one being the thinniest. The straps are incomplete, but enough is preserved in situ to see that there were back and front ones. 2. Leather composite sandals This is a well-made pair of sandals, which consist of several sole layers. The leather is coloured in bright hues - mainly red and green - and the dorsal surface of the sole and the straps are decorated. The heel is rounded and the waist is constricted. From here, the width increases towards the front almost equally until, approximately, the first quarter of the length. Here, the lateral edge continues with a wider curve towards the big toe area. The treadsole is fairly thick. The straps are mainly in place. Painted terracotta jug with handles From Deir el-Medina 18th-19th dynasty, 1550-1187 BC Pottery Height: 25.5 cm Inv.-No. ÄM 21327 Painted clay vessel with motives of ornaments, flowers, mimusops fruits, wreaths/collars and a checkerboard pattern. Sources: 1. McDowell, A.G.: Village life in ancient Egypt : laundry lists and love songs Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999. 2. Meskell, Lynn: Object worlds in ancient Egypt : Material biographies past and present Oxford : Berg, 2004. 3. Théby : město bohů a faraónů = Thebes : city of gods and pharaohs / Jana Mynářová & Pavel Onderka (eds.) Praha : Národní Museum, 2007. 4. Davies, Benedict G.: Who's who at Deir el-Medina : a prosopographic study of the royal workmen's community Leiden : Nederlands Instituut voor Her Nabije Oosten, 1999 5. Murmane, William J.: The bark of Amun on the third pylon at Karnak. IN : Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 16,(1979), pp.11-27. 6. James, T.G.H.: Pharaoh's people : scenes from life in Imperial Egypt New York : Tauris Parke, 2003. 7. Keith, Jean Lewis: Anthropoid Busts of Deir el Medineh and Other Sites and Collections : Analyses, Catalogue, Appendices / with contributions by Sylvie Donnat, Anna K. Stevens, Nicola Harrington Le Caire : Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, 2011 8. Janssen, Rosalind and Janssen, Jac. J.: Growing up and getting old in ancient Egypt London : Golden House Publications, 2007. 9. Veldmeijer, André J.: Footwear in Ancient Egypt: the Medelhavsmuseet collection Varldskulturmuseerna Stockholm : National Museums of World Culture, 2014 http://www.egyptian-museum-berlin.com/index.php http://dem-online.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/index.php http://www.hethert.org/beautifu.html http://www.wepwawet.nl/dmd/scripts/dmdobj.asp?id=P.%20Berlin%20P%2010496 Further bibliography Back to top

The Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology is one of the largest of its kind in the world, and a highlight of UCL Museums & Collections. Top of Page Anchor 2 Anchor 1 Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, University College London The Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology is one of the largest of its kind in the world, and a highlight of UCL Museum & Collections. The Museum was created in 1892 through the bequest of the writer Amelia Edwards (1831-1892), as a teaching resource of the Department of Egyptian Archaeology and Philology. The uniquely important collection grew considerably thanks to the excavating career of Flinders Petrie (1853-1942) and provides a valuable insight into lives of ancient Egyptian people. https://www.ucl.ac.uk/culture/petrie-museum I would like to express my thanks to the Petrie Museum and its staff, whose time and help have been essential during my visits between 2007 and 2010. The curator Stephen Quirke kindly gave me permission to publish the ostraka picturess on my website, Tracey Golding and Ivor Pridden have been generous with their time and assistance. All images © Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UCL Photography Lenka Peacock. Deir el-Medina stelae, offering tables and other fragments from the Petrie Museum The New Kingdom stelae very often show the owner in adoration in front of deities. The position of honour seems to be the left, so the deities occupy that area, and may be seated, while the owner stands to their right. Stelae of the 18th dynasty often show only the owner, his wife and his children. Stelae of the Ramesside period may include other family members. The upper parts of offering tables were often carved with the loaves, trussed ducks and vessels, so that the stone-carved images could serve as magical substitutes for the real food offerings. Usually the hieroglyphic offering formula and/or lists of produce are also present. Sometimes there were grooves or channels cut into the surface of the table so that liquids such as water, beer or wine could be poured on to the table. UC14446 From Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty, around 1295-1186 BC Limestone Offering table of Penrennut, "Servant in the Place of Truth" as the central column of hieroglyphic inscription on the base of the table states. The inscription is flanked by 2 columns of incised vegetation motifs, most probably depicting lotuses. The damaged spout carries remains of incised depictions of a crude cake on one side and possibly two leeks on the other side. Length: 18.5 cm Width: 14.5 cm Depth: 4.75 cm We cannot attribute this offering table to either of the 3 known Penrennuts, who lived at Deir el-Medina and possessed the title "Servant in the Place of Truth" with certainty. Penrennut (i), who lived in the village during the reign of Ramesses IV, was married to a lady called Tadehnetemheb. His father was called Nakhtmin. He appears together with his family on Bankes stela no. 10 - nowadays in the National Trust, UK collection at Kingston Lacy. On the basis of dating the object to the 19th dynasty by the museum curators, it could have belonged to the two earlier workmen, Penrennut (iii) and Penrennut (iv), a cup- bearer, lived at Deir el-Medina during the reign of Ramesses II and Merneptah respectively (Davies,1996,251-252). UC14354 From Deir el-Medina 20th dynasty, about 1160 BC Limestone Offering stela of a person seated to the left of the offering table. A young male on the right side stands in the posture of reverence. Above the male and the offering table there is an inscription, consisting of seven short vertical columns of hieroglyphs (damaged at the right), identifying both men as "3h ikr n R'", "the able spirit of Ra". The seated man is named Djaydjay, the standing man Khnum-[...]. At the top register there is a boat of Ra coloured yellow and red. Traces of red, yellow and blue pigments are surviving on the rest of the stela. Height: 29 cm Width: 22.5 cm UC14229 From Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty, around 1186-1295 BC Limestone Offering table of Anakht, "chisel-bearer in the Place of Truth' (king's tomb craftsman). Hieroglyphic inscription inscribed around the edges. Only the right half of the object is in the museum. Height: 18 cm Width: max. 12 cm UC14439 Found at Thebes, probably from Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty, 1295-1186 BC) Limestone Width: 14 cm Height: 7.5 cm Upper part of a votive stele showing a coiled cobra with double falcon plume on her head. The worshipper's name is illegible in the hieroglyphic inscription, the rest reads "beloved of the goddess Meretseger". UC14379 Possibly from Deir el-Medina Ramesside Period (1295-1069 BC) Limestone Height: 20.5 cm Width: 14.5 cm Fragment from a tomb. In the lower left side of the fragment there is an upper part of a royal head and face with uraeus on the forehead. Above the head there is a cartouche of Ahmes Nefertari, the queen of Ahmose I (1570-1546 BC), the mother of Amenhotep I (1551-1524 BC). UC14599 From Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty (1295-1186 BC) Limestone Width: 32 cm Height: 18.5 cm Fragment of a stela from the tomb of Khawey, who had a title "Guardian in the Place of Truth". The stela shows a pair of human heads on the left side and a male head on the right side. There is a hieroglyphic inscription around the head on the right. UC14423 Probably from Deir el-Medina 20th dynasty (1186-1069 BC) Limestone Height: 20 cm Width: 12.7 cm This is a right-hand part of a framed stele of Kaha. It shows the deified Amenhotep I (1551-1524 BC) standing to the left, holding a spear in his left hand. The two cartouches next to him identify him as Amenhotep Djeserkare. To his right there is a priest standing in adoring position. The priest's name is written in a hieroglyphic inscription above his head. UC34325 From Deir el-Medina Ramesside period, (1069BC-1295BC) Limestone The fragment comes from a tomb wall and comprises the remains of three horizontal registers. The background was painted yellow and also remains of reddish and blue pigments are visible. Height: 29.5 cm Width: 23.2 cm From the Mary Broderick bequest Top register: leg and foot in a sandal on the left side, before the words "on the west of Thebes" (hr imnt W3st). Also visible are the remains of the white skirt. Middle register: "... made by (likely with the meaning: son of) one who is greatly favoured by...", [...r.n Hsy aA n ...] [with many thanks to Jan Kunst from the Netherlands for the translation and transliteration] Bottom register: a couple facing to the right, only the heads remain. The man is wearing a cone on his head, the woman - according to the inscription "his wife" (hmt.f) wears a cone on her head and a blue lotus on her forehead. Her name is illegible. UC16551 From Deir el-Medina 18th dynasty, (1550 BC-1292 BC) White limestone with traces of painting (red pectoral and mentat etc). Originally the bust would have had a brightly painted floral collar on the chest, symbolising rebirth and the collars offered by the living at the "Beautiful Feast of the Valley", when they visited the tombs of their ancestors. The lower corner of the "oracular bust" is damaged. Height: 20 cm Width: 10 cm Seventy-five examples of small anthropoid, oracular or ancestral busts have been revealed duringexcavations at Deir el-Medina. They generally do not bear any inscriptions, but some are inscribed for specific individuals. Typically small, they measure from 10 to 25 cm in height (there are 2 known bigger busts, one of which is the bust of Muteminet EA 1198 in the British Museum measuring 51 cm) and are made of limestone or sandstone. We can assume that most were originally painted as remains of pigment on some are evident. The gender of the most of the busts is open to question. The figures are referred to as 'ancestor busts'. It is thought that they were placed in the small shrine areas which seemed to form part of private homes , and played a part in the private devotions of the family. Five busts were found in houses at Deir el-Medina, where they could have been placed in wall niches in the first and second rooms. The wall niches are comparable in size, so this seems probable. Rather than representing anyone in particular, the busts anonymous nature suggests that they represent all the ancestors whom the family might wish to commemorate. Another theory is that they represent "the able spirit" of those, who had been authoritative in life, by inference, the older members of the community. In troubled times people turned to them for help, i.e. to a parent still remembered, not to an ancestor of long ago. Some of these must have been older women. The busts could have been transported from house to tomb or chapel where identification, if desired, could be supplied by the inscribed stelae, offering tables, or naos-shrine. As the "3h ikr", they carry on the traditions associated with 3h since the Old Kingdom, especially in the requirement for feeding and in its function as the 3h-statue resting within the 3ht-shrine (Friedman, p. 97). The ancestor busts are mentioned in the Book of the Dead under spell 151, "the spell of the head of mysteries". It reads: " hail to you whose face is kindly...your head will never be taken away". Similar objects have been found at fourteen other sites from the central Delta to the Third Cataract. They were found in or near houses as well as in tombs and temples. Whether the context was domestic or religious we cannot be sure, but it is understood that for the worshiper the ancestor busts conjured up memories of a deceased relative. Ancestor bust-shaped amulets occur as jewelry during the New Kingdom. UC14228 From Deir el-Medina 20th dynasty, (1186BC-1069BC) Limestone with traces of pigment The funerary stela was dedicated by Thutmose. He is depicted on the left side, seated on a chair and holding a lotus to his nose. Three columns of hieroglyphs above his head read from right to left: "Ax jqr n Ra DHwtjj-ms = The effective akh of Ra, Thutmose.” He faces his brother who stands opposite him and pours a libation with his right hand. In his left hand he holds a censer. The brother is named in the remaining three columns, read from left to right, as "ir.n sn=f sS pA-irii n st mAa.t = Made by his brother, the scribe Pairy of the Place of Truth" . They are both likely to be members of the Deir el-Medina workforce. At the top of the stela there is a lunette, broken away on both sides. Wedjat eyes, one now missing, used to flank the horizon above the inscription. Height: 22.4 cm Width: 13.3 cm Thutmose is identified as "ax iqr n Ra" , "the able/effective spirit of Ra". The akh -spirits were the blessed dead, those who had attained a seat in the sun-bark of the god Ra. Their magical powers protected them from the dangers of the afterlife. They could also use them for or against the dead and the living. To become an akh (plural akhu) one had to know the magic spells, perform funerary rites and have the gods, especially Ra, intervene on one's behalf. Over 50 stelae from Deir el-Medina testify to the existence of household cults devoted to deceased relatives who had become akhu. The spirits could be dangerous if offended, and the offerings to the akhu were both propitiatory and reverential. Deborah Sweeney re-examined the stela in her article The akh iqer Stela University College London 14228 Reconsidered - a Sign of Gratitude? (Sweeney,2020, pp. 257-275) . She argues that one possible donor might have been Merysekhmet (iii), who was also known as Payiri, and that this donation would result in this so far disreputable member of the Deir el-Medina workforce being seen in a fresh and favourable light. UC14545 Stela of Irynefer 19th dynasty From Deir el-Medina, tomb 290 Limestone The lower part of this round-topped stela is missing. The upper part displays remains of a raised relief of the god Ptah shown from the front. At the bottom of the right side of the stela there is a remainder of a depiction of a man with his arms raised in adoration - his head facing to the left and his hands survived. The left bottom side shows remains of a heaped offering table. The rest of the stela is filled with 5 columns of hieroglyphic inscription, where the worshipper is identified as Irynefer, servant in the Place of Truth. Height: 22 cm Width: 20.5 cm UC14574 Probably from Deir el-Medina Pyramidion of Nebamun 19th dynasty (1295-1186 BC) Limestone Of the 4 sides of this pyramidion, 3 sides are inscribed. Below is the depiction of a man with intricate hairstyle shown in the pose of adoration with his arms raised. He wears a pleated kilt. The hieroglyphic inscription mentions name of Nebamun. Height: 18.5 cm Width: 15 cm Sources: 1. Museum's own labels 2. Museum's website at https://www.ucl.ac.uk/culture/petrie-museum 3. Davis, Benedict G.: Genealogies and personality characteristics of the workmen in the Deir el-Medina community during the Ramesside period. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Liverpool : University of Liverpool, February 1996. 4. Trope, Betsy Teasley: Excavating Egypt : Great discoveries from the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, University College London Atlanta : Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University, 2005. 4. Friedman, Florence: Meaning of some anthropoid busts from Deir el-Medina IN : The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 71 (1985), pp. 82-97. 5. Sweeney, Deborah: The akh iqer Stela University College London 14228 Reconsidered - a Sign of Gratitude? IN : Text-Bild-Objekte im archäologischen Kontext : Feschrift für Susanne Bickel. Hamburg : Widmaier Verlag, 2020. pp. 257-275. Figured ostraka at the Petrie Museum The Petrie Museum collection of figured ostraka comes in its major part from purchases Flinders Petrie made in Egypt, mainly in the Theban area. The places of origin of these ostraka and the dates of their purchase were not recorded and are still to be researched. The fact, that most of them are just drawings lacking inscriptions, means that it is more difficult to establish their place of origin, than it is for the hieratic ostraka, where the names of people involved in transactions are recorded and might be known to us from other sources. But most figured ostraka are probably from Thebes, specifically from Deir el-Medina, or from places, where the Deir el-Medina artisans worked. Possible future analysis and study of the limestone structure could help in locating more accurately their places of origin. The fact, that authenticity of some of the figured ostraka in the museums around the world is debatable and some of the pieces could be modern forgeries, has been recognised and written about. To my knowledge none of the Petrie ostraka have been so far identified as possibly being executed in modern Egypt rather than in ancient Egypt. The collection consists of drawings in black, or in black and red mineral based pigments. The drawings are executed on small pieces of limestone or terracotta sherds. They illustrate every stage from an apprentice's first attempts to the most elaborate draughtsmanship. Some ostraka show the underlying sketch in red ink. Themes of the ostraka vary from gods and royal personages to ordinary men and women, animals represented by mammals, birds, insect and reptiles and even architectural and furniture elements, boats and individual hieroglyphs. Some ostraka were clearly the practise pieces of pupils, whose work was subsequently corrected by their teachers. These pieces allow us to learn their techniques. Some ostraka were products of the moment and often bear themes and motives that do not appear in official art. They are unique treasures of original works of art. As freedom is allowed to the artist, these glimpses illustrate fascinating aspects of the ancient Egyptian culture and life. I would like to express my thanks to the Petrie Museum and its staff, whose time and help has been essential. The curator Stephen Quirke kindly gave me permission to publish the ostraka images on my web site, Tracey Golding and Ivor Pridden have been generous with their time and assistance. © Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UCL Photography Lenka Peacock. The text was composed by Lenka Peacock mainly based on divisions and descriptions of Anthea Page's black & white publication of 1983 with additional sources. UC33221 Upper part of Osiris or a king 19th dynasty (?) Possibly from Deir el-Medina or Abydos Limestone Black pigment Height: 11.7 cm Width: 9 cm Upper part of a king or Osiris facing to the left. The figure wears the Atef crown (effectively a "white crown" with plume on either side). A large uraeus is attached to the crown. His eye is drawn frontally, the eyebrow and the cosmetic line are extended across the temple as parallel lines. Both the ear and the nose are large. There is a suggestion (in: Calverley, A.: The temple of King Sethos I at Abydos, vol. IV. Chicago, 1958, pl. 18) that, the large aquiline nose indicates a portrait of Seti I, Ramesses II or Merneptah. All those pharaohs were portrayed with a nose like that, which was in contrast to the straight noses of the 18th dynasty predecessors. For this reason it was suggested that the ostrakon could be a student copy from a temple relief or from a painting from the temple of Seti I at Abydos. The figure wears a false beard. His garment is tight fitting and has a narrow collar. His hands are holding three objects: the closest one to the figure is "hk3" sceptre - the crook symbolizing the government, the middle one is "w3s" sceptre - whose primarily function in funerary context was to ensure the continued welfare of the deceased, and the flail or "nekhakha" on the left. All three of them are prominent items in royal regalia. Before the flail became part of royal regalia, it was associated primarily with the god Osiris. W.H. Peck argues (Peck,1985,15) that the shape and curvature of the false beard tends to suggest a god rather than a king. The kings' beards tend to be straighter and squared-off at the end whereas the beards of gods are curved and rounded, which he points out is the case here. UC33256 Osiris New Kingdom Limestone Black pigment Figure of a seated god Osiris facing to the right. He wear the atef crown and a false beard, a divine attribute of the gods. He sits on a throne, which stands on a raised platform. Behind the figure of Osiris, there is the "imiut" fetish, consisting of a decapitated animal skin hanging at the top of a pole, which is a symbol of Anubis, who is associated with the mummification process linked to Osiris. At the right top corner there are three columns of a hieroglyphic inscription. William Peck (Peck,1985,15) points out that the condition and preservation of this piece make it difficult to decide whether the seated Osiris is related to the platform or whether the elements are parts of two unrelated drawings. Height: 9.2 cm Width: 11.3 cm UC33249 Horus New Kingdom Limestone Drawing of a falcon depicting the god Horus facing to the right and standing on a base line. There are traces of a crown on his head and a flail, the royal insignia, at his side. Three serpents stand in front of him. Black pigment Height: 10 cm Width: 12 cm UC33195 Ptah New Kingdom Limestone Black ink Figure of a standing god Ptah facing right. He is placed within a shrine. The sloping pedestal on which the god stands may represent the mound of creation or the craftsman's level and the hieroglyphic symbol for truth (maat). He is depicted as a mummiform figure with his feet together and with his hands protruding from his tightly wrapped shroud which is his conventionalized characteristic. He holds the `nh-sign in his right hand, and w3s-sceptre and dd-pillar in his left hand. He wears a close fitting skull cap. His beard is straight rather than the usual curved divine beard found on other Egyptian gods. He wears a large tassel at the rear of his garment. The god Ptah's original cult association seems to have been with craftsmen. He was revered at Deir el-Medina. Height: 13.1 cm Width: 10.1 cm UC33192 Ptah Ramesside Period Limestone Black pigment with traces of underlying sketch in red pigment Figure of a seated god Ptah facing towards right. He wears a tight fitting cap, with his large ear protruding, and a long false beard which curls up towards the end. His cloak is also tight fitting. The collar is drawn more carefully than in the ostrakon above. Anthea Page identifies the object, hanging at the back of the collar, as a tassel (Page,1983,3), while William Peck argues, it is probably a schematic rendering of the menat counterpoise (Peck,1996,15). Both hands, placed one above the other, protrude from the garment and hold a dd-pillar and was-sceptre. The drawing breaks off at this point and just above the figure's knees. The top of the seat that the god sits upon is depicted underneath the figure. Height: 11.1 cm Width: 7.8 cm UC33190 Lion-headed goddess and a worshipping figure New Kingdom, around 1550-1350 BC Limestone (more dense) Red pigment Standing figure of a goddess, who is depicted as a lion-headed woman, with a sun disc and uraeus on her head. Her face is turned to the right towards a worshipping figure in a elaborate pleated gown, typical of the late New Kingdom. The worshippers hands are in a gesture of adoration. The goddess wears tight fitting dress with straps over her shoulder. She holds a staff or sceptre in her left hand. Both the Museum catalogue and Anthea Page (Page,1983, p. 63) identify the goddess as Sekhmet, William Peck (Peck,1985,15) disputes the identification on the grounds that there is no further indication that it is Sekhmet. He points out the fact that there are some 30 lion-goddesses listed among the ancient Egyptian gods and thus the figure here could also be Bastet, Mut or Tefnut, among others, who are shown as lion-headed. Height: 13.6 cm Width: 11.7 cm UC33196 Thoth New Kingdom Potsherd Red pigment The upper part of the god Thoth depicted as an ibis-headed man. He stands inside a shrine and faces to the right. His head is drawn in a profile, his upper torso is drawn from the front. He wears a moon and disc on his head. His left hand holds "w3s" sceptre. There are very faint traces of an hieroglyphic inscription - 3 columns to the right of the figure and 2 columns behind him. The inscription was scraped off in the past and cannot be read. Height: 10.1 cm Width: 9.7 cm UC33191 Thoth New Kingdom Limestone Black ink The upper part of a standing figure of the god Thoth who is depicted as an ibis-headed man facing right. The lunar disk and crescent on his head symbolize the moon's phases. He wears a tripartite wig. His shoulders are drawn frontally. He wears a short skirt with a broad band across his body and over his left shoulder. Height: 18.7 cm Width: 10.6 cm UC33225 Amun New Kingdom Limestone Black ink Drawing of a head of a ram probably representing the god Amun. He is facing towards right. His large horns curve around his ears. He has got a serpent drawn on top of his head. Height: 7 cm Width: 7.7 cm UC33226 Ram New Kingdom Black ink Potsherd Drawing of the head and the forepart of a kneeling ram facing right. It has got long wavy horns. There are traces of faint hieratic inscriptions, perhaps reading as "may you be divine in..." Height: 5.2 cm Width: 8.4 cm UC33224 Ram New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Black pigment Potsherd Drawing of a ram facing to the right. He has got long horizontal horns on his head. There is a faint base line and two horizontal lines, one behind the ram, the other one, shorter, at the top of his head, starting in the middle of the horns. It was suggested that the line might represent uraeus. The drawing might be a representation of the god Khnum. Height: 6.8 cm Width: 8 cm UC33229 Jackal lying on winged disk New Kingdom Potsherd Black ink Drawing of a jackal lying on top of a large pair of wings with solar disk and uraeus, facing right. The wings of a hawk are symbolizing Horus. Since Horus was associated with the king, the winged disk came to have both royal and protective significance, as well as representing the heavens through which the sun moved. Height: 11.3 cm Width: 10.4 cm UC33812 Meretseger New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Black ink Drawing of a serpent - a rearing cobra - in front of an offering table/vase/metal stand. The hood of the cobra is dilated and patterned. The base line is indicated. Meretseger was the goddess of the pyramidal peak which lies above the Theban necropolis. Her usual name was "she who loves silence". She was primarily worshipped by the workmen of Deir el-Medina. The stand resembles metal stands for vases found in Theban tombs. This form of stand appears on coffins, generally under the offering table depiction. Height: 7.3 cm Width: 9.4 cm UC33198 Figure of Bes New Kingdom, 1550-1069 BC Limestone with traces of several different pigments The figure of the god Bes is depicted in his usual frontal squatting pose. His arms are outstretched, each upturned hand is holding a shallow bowl. The image is outlined in black, the details are painted in several colours. Bes is usually depicted naked, but here he wears a short kilt with a long wide ribbon in the front and red patterned garment around his shoulders. A plumed headdress adorns his head. A pair of large wings is depicted on his back reaching all the way to the ground. Bes was one of the most popular and widespread deities in ancient Egypt. He was associated with sexuality and childbirth as protector of the family. Remains of wall paintings depicting Bes were discovered at Deir el-Medina during excavations. This ostrakon could have had the function of a protector of family members and could have been placed within the household shrine. The ostrakon was conserved at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London. Height: 11.7 cm Width: 11.3 cm UC33194 Figure of Isis New Kingdom, 1550-1069 BC Limestone The goddess is depicted in kneeling position. Both her arms are outstretched with large wings spread below them. Each of her hands holds a big bunch of lotuses. The hieroglyphic sign of a throne on top of her head indicates her name. The pose of a kite hovering over the deceased is typical of her protective role in the afterlife. Preliminary outlines and the artist's grid are visible in red, the final drawing being executed in black pigment. Height: 11.4 cm Width: 7.3 cm UC33193 Figure of Hathor New Kingdom, 1550-1069 BC Chert Recto Hathor is depicted as a piebald cow standing on a sledge. Her eye is drawn in the form of wedjat eye, a symbol for strength and protection. She is wearing menat necklace, a symbol closely associated with her. It was of protective nature and used to be worn for good fortune. Hathor is smelling a large lotus blossom that curves in front of her. There are 5 lotus plants below her body. Verso There are 3 columns of a hieroglyphic inscription on the back of the ostrakon, written in black ink. The columns are read from right to left, the signs from top to bottom: "Hathor, Lady of the Sky, Mistress of all gods. Made by the scribe Twt, true of voice, the excellent scribe Ptnw". UC33199 Bovine-deity Limestone Black ink The bull or a cow is standing and facing right. There is a sun-disk between his/her horns. The disk is drawn frontally. Smudged beneath the body. The drawing is very crude and it is difficult to establish which bovine-deity is represented here. Height: 11.3 cm Width: 14.4 cm Ostraka displaying motives of royal figures UC33210 Torso of a king New Kingdom, Ramesside Period, 1295-1069 BC Limestone Drawing in black ink, there are traces of red pigment on the crown and in front of the figure Drawing of the upper part of a king's torso. He faces to the right, his right arm is raised horizontally at the shoulder level, perhaps in the gesture of making an offering. His eye and shoulders are drawn frontally. He wears an elaborate composite crown, consisting of White crown, flanked by twin plumes, sitting on top of the Red crown, encircled by uraei with disks on their foreheads. The whole Double Crown, which could also be seen as Atef Crown, is flanked with horizontal pair of ram's horns. They end in large uraei, surmounted with sun disks. The king's head is also adorned with a short wig, uraeus on his forehead and a false beard on his chin. He wears a broad collar and a pleated skirt with a wide pleated tie around his waist and over his shoulder. The drawing is skillfully executed and could be a student copy of a temple relief or a craftsman's draft for a temple relief. Height: 13.6 cm Width: 9 cm UC33258 Queen Ahmose-Nefertari Possibly from Deir el-Medina 19th dynasty, 1295-1186 BC Limestone Black ink with traces of the preliminary sketch in red Upper part of a figure of Queen Ahmose-Nefertari facing left. She wears a long tripartite wig and the Vulture headdress. Dating of the ostrakon takes into consideration the fact that Queen Ahmose-Nefertari was represented as wearing the "Vulture" headdress after she was deified in the Ramesside Period. Height: 11.8 cm Width: 13.5 cm UC33260 King making offering to Min-Amun Possibly from Deir el-Medina or Koptos 19th dynasty of later date - possibly Ptolemaic Limestone Red pigment Drawing of a king making an offering of two pots to Min-Amun. The king wears the red crown of Lower Egypt and a short skirt with pleats and a central panel. Min-Amun stands on the right on a podium with a sloping front. He is represented in mummiform. His figure is faint, while the figure of the king and the podium underneath Min-Amun's feet are coloured in. Between the two figures there is an offering table with a cup and possibly two bull's heads on it. There are two vertical columns of hieroglyphic inscriptions at the top, reading Min-Amun, Mn. The horizontal line at the bottom reads "htp-di-nsw Mn-Imn", meaning "The offering which the king gives to Min-Amun". The style of the drawing shows signs of Ptolemaic style. It could originate from Koptos, where the local fertility god Min was worshipped and where Flinders Petrie excavated the temple of Min. Height: 18.7 cm Width: 16.8 cm UC33219 Head of a king New Kingdom, Ramesside Period, 1295-1069 BC Limestone Drawing in black ink with the preliminary sketch in red. Drawing of a left-ward facing profile of a head of a pharaoh. The eye and shoulders are drawn frontally. The lower part of the crown is visible, also traces of a wide collar. Height: 8.1 cm Length: 10.6 cm UC33204 Pharaoh smiting a captive New Kingdom, Ramesside Period, 1295-1069 BC Limestone Black ink Drawing of a Pharaoh smiting a fleeing captive. Both figures face toward the right. The king holds a club in his right hand. He holds his captive's throat with his left hand. The king wears a wig, uraeus and a long pleated skirt. There are traces of a canopy over the figure of the king. Height: 13 cm Width: 11 cm UC33208 Summary drawings 19th dynasty, 1295-1186 BC Potsherd Drawings in black ink on both sides of the ostrakon of stick-like figures Concave side: three registers of figures. Top register: a seated god or king in front of an offering table. A royal figure stands on the right side of the table, holding out an offering in his right hand and an 'nh-sign in his left. Smaller figures, mainly obliterated, follow behind him. Middle register: two seated figures with five standing figures in front of them. Each one stands in a different pose, two figures on the right hold bows. Bottom register: four men standing in different poses, the two on the right are holding bows. Convex side: two registers of figures but barely recognisable. Top register: male figure in a short kilt walking toward the right. Little trace of the other figures. Height: 14 cm Width: 10.5 cm William Peck (Peck,1985,16) suggests this is a part of the process by which the artist planned the layout of a large wall decoration. This short-hand notation seems suitable for this step in the development of a composition, and as such gives valuable insight into the working processes of the ancient artist. Ostraka displaying motives of men UC33211 Head of a man New Kingdom, 1550-1069 BC Limestone An informal drawing in black ink of a man in profile with long wavy hair and stubble. In contrast to these he has got a lotus flower attached to his forehead and an incense cone atop his head, both marking special occasion. A pattern of a knot or another element of clothing is drawn in red across his temple. I tried to link the Egyptian word for knot to a name from Deir el-Medina, but failed. It could have been connected to a nickname, in which case it would be even more difficult to establish the link. Or indeed, it can be completely disconnected and the red drawing is just a doodle. The stubble has been traditionally interpreted in the Egyptological literature as a sign of mourning. But here it could be a sign of realism or of a caricature, perhaps of a man who had one party too many. Height: 10.8 cm Width: 7.3 cm UC15947 Head of a noble 20th dynasty? (1186-1069 BC) From Thebes. Left behind by students of a school of ancient artists in Ramesseum's mud brick magazines. Marked "Petrie 2" on its label. Potsherd Black ink Head and a shoulder of a noble drawn in profile facing left. He wears a short wig brought behind his ears. He has got a short square beard. His eye is drawn frontally. The line of his nose is similar to profiles on portraits of the Ramesside kings. This is probably a trial piece for paintings in royal tombs or tombs of private individuals from the Theban necropolis. Height: 8.8 cm Width: 7.6 cm UC33244 Head of a man New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Black ink and red pigment Leftward-facing profile of a balding male's head. He wears a collar with lines radiating from his neck. His facial features are no longer visible. It is possible that this is a trial piece for a painting in a Theban tomb, representing a member of a family or a deceased person. The areas around the eye and the mouth could have been erased as the red wash used for the face and the top of the head seems to be missing there. Height: 10.3 cm Width: 9.5 cm UC33238 Kneeling man New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Potsherd Black ink Drawing of a headless kneeling man facing to the left. He kneels on his left leg and sits on the heel of his foot. His right leg is drawn up towards his body. He faces an offering table bearing four circular loaves of bread and a lotus flower. The man wears a wide-sleeved garment. His arms are raised in adoration. There could have been a figure of a deity behind the offering table, the remaining line could be the god's leg. The base line is indicated. Marked in black ink "o" below the base line. This type of scene frequently appears on Deir el-Medina votive stelae and in the tomb decoration. If the line of the leg are remains of a mummiform god, both Osiris and Ptah could have stood behind the offering table. Height: 11.3 cm Width: 13 cm UC33237 Standing man New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Potsherd Black ink Drawing of a standing figure of a headless man facing right. He wears a wraparound short kilt. His left leg is drawn advanced, his right arm is held across his chest in an upright position, his left arm is down holding a long object, possibly a bouquet as an offering. This ostrakon might be a trial piece for a painting in an offering scene on a tomb wall. Treated at the Institute of Archaeology. Height: 12.7 cm Width: 11.1 cm UC33239 Seated man before an offering table New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Possibly from Abydos? Limestone Black ink Drawing of a seated man in front of an offering table. He sits on a low-backed, block throne and faces right. The small table before him is laden with food offerings: conical and round loaves of bread and birds. Behind the seated man stands another figure. Above the figures there is an wd3t-eye, probably one of a pair, as the surface of the whole right top corner is flaked off. Beneath the base line of the drawing there are traces of another unidentified drawing. The drawing represents a typical funerary offering scene with the deceased seated and his relative in attendance. Perhaps this is a miniature stela, that could have come from a workmen's tomb at Deir el-Medina. Height: 7.2 cm Width: 6 cm UC2227 Man carrying bundles 20th dynasty, 1186-1069 BC Found at Thebes in the brick chamber north of the pylon of Tuthmosis IV Potsherd Black ink Drawing of a man, possibly a peasant, carrying a bundle in his right hand at his side and another one on a long stick held over his shoulder with his left hand. He walks towards the right, his left leg is advanced. His head is drawn in profile. His hair is straight. He wears a short skirt tied around his waist and a short-sleeved top. Height: 21.3 cm Width: 18.5 cm UC33214 front Two men walking New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Black ink, traces of red pigment on upper arm of the man on the right and in the bottom right corner of the ostrakon Drawing on a squared-off piece of a limestone of two men walking facing right, holding staffs in their left hands. Both wear short pleated skirts. UC33214 back One line of a vertical cursive inscription The 1st sign reads ht, the 2nd and the 5th are probably the same hieroglyph representing the male figure. The 3rd sign is damaged, the 4th is not decipherable. The last sign is the sun-disk. The inscription can be interpreted as a name, the possible readings could be Ra-khet or Khet-su. Height: 6 cm Width: 7.3 cm UC33241 Face of a man Potsherd Black ink Trial piece with various figures. From top left to right: 1. seated figure of a child with sidelock, facing right, with left hand held forward and right hand at its side. 2. face of a man with a square beard and large ears. The face is drawn frontally 3. outline of an oracular bust facing toward right Bottom left to right: 4. kneeling figure wearing a heavy wig, and facing right 5. ibis facing right, and before it two parallel lines Height: 8.1 cm Width: 10.2 cm UC33202 Man and bull New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Red and black pigment Drawing of a pied bull, whose head is missing, walking to the right, followed by a herdsman with a feather on his head. The man, who is disproportionately small, holds a stick in his right hand and a piece of rope over the left arm. He wears a short kilt. The base line is indicated. Traces of red pigment from the preliminary sketch, also there is red pigment on bull's patches. The surface of the ostrakon is very fragile and fragmentary. It has been treated in the Institute of Archaeology. Height: 8.8 cm Width: 9.4 cm These drawings seem to be practice work of an apprentice who was employed in the tomb or temple wall decorating. They all would have been motifs familiar to the ancient Egyptian artist. The seated figure of a child, was used as determinative in "be young" and "child" [Gardiner's A17]. The face of a man was used as ideogram of Hr "face" [Gardiner's D2]. The kneeling figure is similar in posture to the hieroglyphic sign of a noble squatting with a flagellum, used as determinative for revered persons [Gardiner's A52]. The sacred ibis was used as determinative in hb "ibis" and as determinative in Dhwty "Thoth" [Gardiner's G26]. Ostraka displaying motives of women and children UC15946 Girl with a monkey Ramesside Period, 1292-1069 BC Potsherd From the Ramesseum Drawing of a girl in profile from her shoulder up. She wears a wig, 2 lotuses and an incense cone on her head. A monkey faces the girl and reaches up to her nose with its paw. It has been suggested the monkey was added at a later stage in a clumsier style to turn the drawing from an art school into a joke by a fellow student (Janssen,1989,23-24). Stephen Quirke suggested the ostrakon could have served as a caricature of the Opening of the Mouth ritual (Trope,2005,151). The ostrakon was conserved at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London. Height: 9.4 cm Length: 8.4 cm UC33223 Standing girl Ramesside period, 1295-1069 BC Limestone Black ink Drawing of a standing girl facing right. She wears a sidelock of youth and a diaphanous gown. Her legs and body are well rounded. Her pubic triangle is indicated. Her left hand is raised to her forehead, and holds a cup in her right hand. Height: 12.4 cm Width: 10.8 cm UC33217 Head and shoulders of a child New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Black and red ink Head and shoulders of a female child, with her fingers held to her mouth. She wears a braided sidelock of youth with a hair-ring keeping it in order, streamers down the back of her head, and a large round ear-stud decorated with a cross. Lines on her upper arm may indicate a pleated loose piece of garment. The drawing is of a noble or royal child. The ear-studs were a fashion introduced during Amarna Period. The drawing is carefully executed (Page,1983,35). Height: 3.2 cm Width: 5 cm Ostraka displaying motives of birds UC33227 Pintail duck 19th dynasty? Marked from Deir el-Bahari on the back Limestone Drawing of a pintail duck in flight facing right. The body and wings are drawn in outline, the head is filled in with black ink. Pintail ducks were the most common kind of duck in ancient Egypt. They were very frequently depicted on temple and tomb walls. When depicted in flight they are also a hieroglyphic sign representing the ideogram "pa" meaning "to fly" . The drawing could be a trial piece of a hieroglyph, but it can also be a trial piece for a larger scene. Height: 10 cm Width: 5.6 cm UC33216 Head of an owl New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Potsherd Black ink Frontal drawing of a head of an owl, which most probably represents an artist's study of a hieroglyphic sign "m" . There are several more drawings representing hieroglyphs - a loaf of bread at the left top corner representing phonetic "t" , the back of a viper representing "f" and a part of a feather representing "sw" . Height: 5.3 cm Width: 5.7 cm UC33207 Goose New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Red pigment Outline sketch of a goose facing right. Its neck is extended and its head is bent to the ground as if pecking the ground. The base line is indicated. The goose was frequently depicted on temple and tomb walls. It is also a hieroglyphic sign for semi-phonetic "gb" and determinative for "gb"-goose. This could have been a preliminary sketch as a draft for an agricultural scene. Height: 10.1 cm Width: 12.8 cm UC33230 Curlew ? New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Potsherd Black pigment Drawing of a standing bird, facing right. It has a long narrow beak, large round eye and thin legs. The feathers are marked with streaks. This sketch has been tentatively identified by Anthea Page as a Senegal stone curlew, a modern resident of both the Nile Delta and Upper Egypt. However, this species of wading bird is not known elsewhere in ancient Egyptian iconography (see, for example, P.F. Houlihan, The Birds of Ancient Egypt [Cairo, 1988]). On the other hand, W.H. Peck has suggested that this figure may depict a quail chick, which does seem a far more plausible identification. If so, this ostrakon would then most likely be a practice piece of a standard hieroglyphic sign. Height: 13.9 cm Length: 13.7 cm The Battlefield Palette British Museum , London, EA 20791 Perhaps from Abydos Late Predynastic period, around 3150 BC Length: 28 cm Width: 20 cm UC33222 Vulture Possibly Ramesside Period, 1295-1069 BC Limestone Black pigment Drawing of a large vulture facing right, with its neck out stretched, head down, and with its wings slightly spread. The bird appears to be grasping prey in its talons and beak. The outline of the bird is represented in black ink; the prey is filled in with reddish-brown wash, perhaps to imitate blood. This detail is quite extraordinary. Large vultures are only rarely portrayed in Egyptian art feeding (see, for example, P.F. Houlihan, The Birds of Ancient Egypt [Cairo, 1988]). The only other instance of it, which immediately comes to mind, is on the famous Late Predynastic (Naqada III) "Battlefield Palette," now in the British Museum, London pictured on the left). It is, therefore, tempting to see this as a work of spontaneity, executed by a draughtsman who had witnessed this activity. The bird can be identified as either the Griffin Vulture or the more powerful Lappet-faced Vulture. In ancient Egypt, vultures were common as hieroglyphic signs: determinative for nrt (vulture), and a phonetic value for Mwt . A large vulture also represented the goddess Nekhbet of El-Kab. Height: 9.8 cm Length: 11.8 cm Ostraka displaying motives of mammals UC33200 Fighting bulls New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Black pigment Drawing of two bulls facing each other. Their heads are down and their horns are interlocked. The ground is indicated by a line. Above the bull on the right side, there is a man facing left, striding out, his right arm raised. He wears a short kilt. His head is missing. Height: 13.1 cm Width: 16 cm UC33209 Leaping bull and a duck Late 18th dynasty, Amarna Period Potsherd Black ink Lively drawing of a young bull leaping towards the right. A pintail duck is flying above, also facing to the right. Similar motives were found at palaces at Amarna and at Malqata. Height: 6.1 cm Width: 12 cm UC33206 Head of a donkey and Amun New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Potsherd Black ink A drawing of a donkey's head facing left. One pair of ears is long and pointed, then lower at the back of the head there is another ear added. Below the donkey's head there are several more motives: two wide horizontal lines joined together by a herringbone design, upper part of a figure of the god Amun with a long beard and wearing the crown with double plumes and holding a w3s-sceptre. In front of the donkey there is a fragment of a possible bowl, again with a herringbone design. The herringbone design was used to show the veining seen in travertine (Egyptian alabaster). William Peck suggests the drawing to be that of a horned animal with the ear correctly placed at the back of the head. The zigzag line at the top of the head might indicate horn sockets but the horns are badly resolved. It could be a head of bubalis (an antelope). Donkeys' muzzles are usually depicted with their characteristic thickness (Peck,1985,16). The identification is supported by a parallel from the Ashmolean Museum , Oxford: Head of bubalis (antelope) No. 1938.913, where the head is executed in a strikingly similar way but the horns are those of an antelope (image on the right). Height: 13.5 cm Width: 13.9 cm Photograph by Su Bayfield UC26937 Galloping horse New Kingdom, dynasty 18th until dynasty 19th, 1550-1186 BC Potsherd Red and black pigment Figure of a galloping horse, facing left. The horse is painted with red pigment. The legs of the animal are missing. Behind the horse there is a drawing in black of part of a chariot and reins that lead the horse. Height: 10.7 cm Width: 16.5 cm UC33215 Lion Possibly Ramesside Period Limestone Red and black pigment Verso: drawing of a lion facing right, waiting to strike. He crouches on his front legs with his head down. A ground line is indicated. Above the lion's body is the figure of a man with his leg advanced and his arms raised as if in a hunting position. W.H. Pecks suggests that rather than the lion crouched to pounce, this lion seems to be in the act of expiring. The line from his mouth might be an indication of the tongue extended in death. Recto: drawing of a lion striding out towards right, with his head up and his mouth open. There is some evidence that lions were tamed in ancient Egypt. New Kingdom pharaohs are often shown in the company of a docile lion. They are portrayed lying beside the throne or running along the royal horses and chariots. These scenes might bear symbolic significance and emphasise the strength of the king, but the evidence shows lions were serviceable creatures to the ancient Egyptians. During the New Kingdom the Theban tomb walls were decorated with exotic and strange animals and the artisans from Deir el-Medina shared the appreciation of this taste for unusual and reflected it in skillful sketches, the two examples of which we can see here. Height: 16.1 cm Width: 12.3 cm Ostraka displaying motives of beetles and insects UC35811 Scarab beetle and hieroglyphs New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Black ink Drawing of the top side of a scarab beetle (Scarabeus sacer) with its body, legs and head competently drawn. A vertical column of hieroglyphs runs down the right side of the ostrakon. The inscription reads: (ntr) nfr nb t3wy nb ir ht = Good (god), lord of the two lands, lord who makes everything Only the nefer sign is drawn and that not enough space is left for the ntr sign to be added in the inscription, but it is assumed that the sign should have been present as it would form a common epithet of kings - ntr nfr = good god (Page,1983,52). The brackets are present to indicate the addition to the translation. Height: 7.1 cm Width: 5.3 cm UC33231 Wasp or a bee and a grasshopper New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Red pigment Verso: drawing in red pigment of a wasp or a bee on the left and a grasshopper on the right. The left image is drawn in greater detail. The body is striped, there are four legs with feet, long antennae, and a pair of wings. The image of the grasshopper is fainter and more schematically drawn. Only the body and the long bent leg are depicted. Recto: a drawing of another grasshopper in red pigment. Again schematically drawn with antennae, long bent leg and the long closed wings. Although there is no convincing evidence that the ancient Egyptians ate grasshoppers, a custom practiced by many other cultures, it is not excluded that they might have been regarded as a food item (Houlihan,1996,193). Height: 16.4 cm Width: 13.1 cm Ostraka displaying motives of reptiles UC33232 Crocodile New Kingdom, dynasty 18th until dynasty 19th, 1550-1186 BC Potsherd Black pigment Drawing of a tail and back leg of a crocodile. The artist tried to express some of the characteristics of the crocodile, such as the dorsal plates and the back foot. The drawing could either be part of a representation of the god Sobek who manifested himself either as a human with a crocodile head or completely in animal form, or it may have been a draft intended to be used in the decoration of a tomb wall, as the crocodile is sometimes depicted in such scenes as the deceased hunting in the marshes. Treated at the Institute of Archaeology. Height: 7.2 cm Length: 7.9 cm Ostraka displaying various shapes UC33252 Rectangles of various shapes New Kingdom, 1550-1350 BC Limestone Black ink Drawings on both sides. Recto: traces of rectangular wall, basket-shape with zigzag line near the top, standing man facing right, his left arm is stretched out and his right arm is bent. He wears a short wig and a wrap-over garment. There are traces of butcher's block on the right. Below the block there are faint traces of possibly a seated person. Anthea Page (Page, 1983, p. 56) suggests that all the shapes appear in hieroglyphic writing and that they could have been student's exercise: ideogram or determinative in inb "wall" [Gardiner O36], wicker basket with a handle, for unknown reason phonetic k [Gardiner V31], butcher's block is semi-ideogram in hr "under" [Gardiner T28], and a man of rank seated on a chair is a determinative for a revered person [Gardiner A50 or 51]. Anthea Page suggests that the bottom rectangle may represent the piece of cloth - ideogram or determinative in si3t "piece of cloth with fringe" [Gardiner S32]. The sandal was used as an ideogram or determinative in tbt "sandal" [Gardiner S32]. Page also suggests the star to be ideogram or determinative in sb3 "star" [Gardiner N14]. Jac Janssen (Jansse,2008,89) suggests a different explanation for ostraka with pictures of garments. He suggests they functioned as laundry lists, made by illiterate housewives. Janssen points out that if the rectangle with the fringes represented the sign S32, then the other two rectangles could be explained as signs N37, "garden pool". He argues that the presence of sandals rather suggests items of dress. Height: 10.2 cm Length: 11.5 cm In my opinion, Jac. Janssen's theory could be supported by the star appearing on the right below the sandal. There are various marks on ostraka and pottery from Deir el-Medina, that could represent house marks or ownership marks. Although the marks varied in shapes, this explanation could help solving the mystery of the sign in one of the workmen's huts on the top of the cliffs. Sources: 1. Museum's web site at www.petrie.ucl.ac.uk 2. Page, Anthea: Ancient Egyptian figured ostraca : in the Petrie collection Warminster : Aris & Phillips, 1983. 3. Shaw, Ian, Nicholson, Paul: British Museum dictionary of ancient Egypt London: British Museum Press, 1995. 4. Brunner, Emma : Egyptian artists' sketches : figured ostraka from the Gayer-Anderson collection in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. 5. Janssen, Rosalind and Janssen, Jac. J.: Egyptian household animals Aylesbury : Shire Publications, 1989. 6. Wilkinson, R. H. : The complete gods and goddesses of Ancient Egypt. London : Thames & Hudson, 2003. 7. Calverley, A.: The temple of King Sethos I at Abydos, vol. IV. Chicago, 1958, pl. 18 8. Janssen, Jac. J.: Daily dress at Deir el-Medina : words for clothing London : Golden House Publications, 2008. 9. Peck, W. H. : Review of Ancient Egyptian figured ostraca in the Petrie Collection by Anthea Page IN: The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 71, Reviews Supplement (1985), pp. 14-16 10. Gardiner, Alan: Egyptian grammar : being an introduction to the study of hieroglyphs Oxford : Griffith Institute, 1957. 11. Houlihan, Patrick F. and Goodman, Steven M.: The birds of ancient Egypt (Natural history of ancient Egypt) Warminster : Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1986. 12. Trope, Betsy Teasley: Excavating Egypt : Great discoveries from the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, University College London Atlanta : Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University, 2005 13. Houlihan, Patrick F.: The animal world of the pharaohs London : Thames and Hudson, 1996. 14. My own study and observation of the ostraka listed Hieratic ostraka at the Petrie Museum The Petrie Museum houses a collection of nearly 50 hieratic ostraka, collected by Flinders Petrie. Most of the ostraka come from Thebes, though the exact place and dates of acquisition still remain to be established. Although the written passages are mostly short, their contents indicate, that the majority of Petrie hieratic ostraka did originate in the Theban area - either in Deir el-Medina itself or in places where the Deir el-Medina workforce were active, e.g. the Valley of the Kings. Majority of hieratic ostraka are small pieces of limestone, with black and red writing in hieratic script. Smaller proportion of the ostraka are pottery sherds. The contrast for writing in red is less clear, but the background is still effective for writing in black. The range of content divides the ostraka into several categories: documentary (donkey hire and return, lists of objects, records of business deals) teaching (word lists) legal (donkey hire dispute) literary (tales, moralizing compositions) religious (plea to Amun for help) letters (requests) incantations (spells) UC19614 Hieratic ostrakon From Deir el-Medina Limestone Dynasty 20, 1186-1069 BC Length: 23 cm Width: 16 cm Charity after a divorce The workman Hesysunebef divorced his wife Hel in year 2 of Setnakhte (1185-1182 BC). For three following years, the author of the text below supported Hel with a small monthly ration of grain. The quantity, roughly equivalent to 19 litres, would not be enough to live on, but he did also buy a sash ( a piece of clothing), that used to belong to her, for six times its value. The ostrakon throws light on how a divorced woman might survive on the charity of others. Translation: Year 2, third month of summer, day 24, of King Weser-Khay-Re-Setep-en-Re (Sethnakhte), l.p.h.: (day) Hesy-su-neb-ef divorced the lady Hel. I spent three years giving to her an oipe of emmer every single month, making 9 sacks. And she gave me a sash, saying, "Offer it at the riverbank (the market-place); it will be bought from me for an oipe of emmer". I offered it, but people rejected it, saying, "It is bad!" And I told her exactly that, saying, "It has been rejected". Then she gave it to me, and I had one sack of emmer delivered to her via Khay son of Sa-Wadjyt. What was given to her via Nebu-em-weskhet (fem.) : 1 oipe. What was given to her via Ta-a'ot-merut, her daughter: 1 oipe. Total, 1 1/2 sacks for the sash. (McDowell, A.G.: Village life in ancient Egypt : laundry lists and love songs, p. 43-44) The lives of Hesysunebef and Hel are well documented. He began his life as a slave, but was adopted by his master and became a member of the crew of workmen. Eventually he attained the rank of deputy. He named his son and his daughter after his adoptive parents, and dedicated a stela to his father. His wife Hel is known to us from Papyrus Salt 124. She lived with Pendua before she married Hesysunebef. She deceived both husbands with the notorious Paneb. It could have been the reason for the divorce from Hesysunebef, especially since Paneb had also threatened to kill Hesysunebef's father (McDowell,1999,43). To view a stela of Hesysunebef now in the Manchester Museum, click here . UC39608 From Deir el-Medina Hieratic ostrakon Pottery Supply of yarn for lamp wicks. Translation : Year 29, month 2 of spring, day 9; on this day, distribution of the linen fibre to the crew to make into lamp(wick)s; head of distribution[...] on this day: the three leaders, 24 rings each total: 81the forty men, 9 ½ rings each, total 380 (but) Khons 26, total: 74 for the linen store, 31 rings to be taken out on the (account of) the right side for filling the scales 9 ½ (= for measuring each 9 ½?) 225 rings note of what fell to ground 21 rings Sum total: 516 rings[..] year 30, month 1 of flood, day 25; this day handing over the lamps beside the Amenemipet temple (Černý/Gardiner 1957: 11, pl. 35.4) Ostrakon Petrie 5 UC39606 Limestone Hieratic ostrakon Prescription of a scorpion-charmer Living in an environment teeming with snakes and scorpions, ancient Egyptians made efforts to develop remedies to combat the effects of their venom. This ostrakon contents a short letter from Amen-mose to a priest of the Ramesseum. He asks the priest for the ingredients of a remedy for a sick man. Amen-mose is a scorpion-charmer. The substances required could have been for a magical cure or they could have been used in combination of magic in his work. Translation : recto : The scorpion charmer Amen-mose and the temple scribe, prophet Piay of the mansion of King Weser-maat-Re Setep-en-Re, l.p.h. (the Ramesseum) in the House of Amen (on) the West of Thebes. To the effect that: the prophet is ill. When my letter reaches [you, you] will send him one grain, one jar of syrup, one festival date-juice(?). Translation in McDowell, p. 54-55. Length: 9.1 cm, width 12.5 cm Ostrakon Petrie 3 UC39607 Donkey hire and return Hieratic ostrakon. Complete. Translation : II prt 24. Donkey was given to policeman Imn-hcw for its b3kw. Coming (back) with it on IV prt 15. He brought 1 goat, that is (ir.n) 3 deben. Verso: One condemned (h3d) him (to) 20 [deben] copper. By the scribe of the Tomb Hori (Janssen: Donkeys at Deir el-Medina, p. 57) UC39630 Ramesside period, 1295-1069 BC From Deir el-Medina Limestone Hieratic ostrakon inscribed in ink with a list of the gifts that women brought to a feast. On one face there are three columns of 13, 15 and 11 lines, separated by red lines into 15 unequal compartments, each with a personal name followed in by quantities. Lenght: 19 cm Width: 20 cm. UC39648 From Deir el-Medina Limestone Hieratic ostrakon noting distribution of supplies. Černý/Gardiner 1957: 6, pl. 19.1. Ostrakon Petrie 50 I would like to express my thanks to the Petrie Museum and its staff, whose time and help has been essential. The museum curator Stephen Quirke kindly gave me permission to publish the ostraka images on my web site, Tracey Golding and Ivor Pridden have been generous with their time and assistance. © Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, UCL The text and photography Lenka Peacock Sources: 1. Museum's own labels 2. Museum's web site 3. Janssen, Jac. J.: Donkeys at Deir el-Medina Leiden : Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 2005. 4. McDowell, A.G.: Village life in ancient Egypt : laundry lists and love songs Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999. 5. Clayton, Peter A.: Chronicles of the Pharaohs : the reign-by-reign record of the rulers and dynasties of ancient Egypt London : Thames & Hudson, 1994. Further bibliography Back to top Anchor 1 Anchor 2

The Ancient Egyptian gallery at the Bristol Museum & Art Gallery features over 600 objects. It covers "Belief", "Life", "Death" and "Afterlife". The mummy and the coffin of Horemkenesi, who lived at Deir el-Medina, arrived from Luxor in 1905. Bristol Museum & Art Gallery, UK The Ancient Egyptian Gallery contains over 600 objects. It covers 'Belief', the religious beliefs of the ancient Egyptians, including their view of creation, their gods and their rituals. "Life - the social structure of ancient Egypt, childhood and a variety of occupations from pharaoh to farm labourer. "Death - funerary beliefs, preparation of the body for mummification, coffin symbolism and tombs. And "the afterlife" - ancient Egyptian beliefs about what happened after death and the need for burial objects, servants, food offerings and possessions. http://www.bristolmuseums.org.uk/ bristol-museum-and-art-gallery/ The collections search page: http://museums.bristol.gov.uk/ In the 1890s, archaeologists from the Egypt Exploration Fund (now the Egypt Exploration Society) excavated at Deir el-Bahri, a complex on the west bank of the Nile opposite the modern city of Luxor. At that time, archaeological finds that were not reserved for the national collection in Cairo could be shared between the donors of funds for the excavations (mainly museums and universities). Bristol Museum sponsored the EEF and received regular donations of finds as a result. In 1905 the mummy of Horemkenesi arrived in his coffin from Luxor (KS2 resource, 2003). The coffin was found in the pit tomb of Mentuhotep II's queen Sadeh (Booth,2003,247), who lived almost 1000 years before Horemkenesi, who was buried in her tomb in Mentuhotep's mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri. The tomb had remained undisturbed for 3 millennia. Horemkenesi lived during the turbulent times of the 20th and 21st dynasties, around 1070 BC, in what is now called the Third Intermediate Period (Booth, 2006, 243). He lived either at Deir el-Medina or within the enclosure of Medinet Habu. His main occupation was that of an overseer of workmen at the Valley of the Kings. He also worked as a scribe at Deir el-Medina as he held the title of "Scribe of the Task in the Horizon of Eternity" (Booth, 2006, 243). Horemkenesi acted as a part-time Wab priest at the temples of Karnak and Medinet Habu. A rock inscription informs us that his father Huysheri also held the title of Wab priest at Medinet Habu, suggesting that the title may have been hereditary (Booth, 2006, 244). During Horemkenesi's early years, the boy must have attended classes and been trained as a scribe. The lessons would have taken place either in Deir el-Medina, where the school for the children of the necropolis workmen was run, or in the nearby Ramesseum. When the settlement of Deir el-Medina was abandoned, he would have been educated at the temple of Medinet Habu (Janssen,2007,64). His career began during the reign of Ramses XI (1098-1070 BC) and continued until at least the 20th year of the High Priest Pinedjem I (1070-1032 BC) (Booth,2003,244). His main duties were to inspect tombs for damage, repair robbed tombs and organise non-royal burials. His name is found in several rock carvings around the Valley of the Kings. His signature indicated which tombs he had inspected. For example, his name can be seen near the tomb of Seti II. In 1981 it was noticed that Horemkenesi's mummy was beginning to deteriorate and it was decided to unpack the mummy in order to find out more about Horemkenesi's physical characteristics and health, as well as how the body was mummified (KS2 Resource, 2003). The Horemkenesi mummy revealed a short, plump man who was between 55 and 60 years old at the time of his death. He suffered from arthritis in his shoulders and back, which must have caused him painful stiffness. The brain, which is normally removed, was left intact in the cranial cavity. On the other hand, his heart, which is usually left in the body, was missing from Horemkenesi's body. His earlobes had large holes in them and several of his teeth were worn down to the gums because the food he ate contained sand (KS2 resource, 2003). The mummy was buried in a 3-piece coffin, which was fashionable at the time. It is made of wood and covered with a thin layer of painted plaster. Inside and outside, there are images of gods and prayers to protect the deceased and help him in his journey to the afterlife. The design of the coffin is a standard one, it was not made especially for Horemkenesi, but his name and titles were written in the blank spaces in the text. The panoramas below were taken by Robert Gibson from Sydney, Australia. 14 photos I took in the gallery were rendered by him to create these 3 wonderful images. Horemkenesi's mummy was covered by a colourful painted mummy board. On the floor of the bottom case is a figure of Osiris in the form of a djed pillar. Horemkenesi's mummy was covered by a colourfully painted mummy board. The burial consisted only of the mummy in the coffin, draped with garlands of woven rush leaves, but no grave goods belonging to Horemkenesi were found in the tomb. No amulets were found in the linen wrappings, but feathers and small pieces of plant material were found in his bandages. The canopic jars were also missing. A pair of leather sandals too small for his feet was found in the tomb (KS2,2003). To view the museum's records of the coffin, follow the links below: http://museums.bristol.gov.uk/details.php?irn=79677 http://museums.bristol.gov.uk/details.php?irn=79579 http://museums.bristol.gov.uk/details.php?irn=79678 To view the museum's records for the group of mummies and coffins, follow the link to Search the Museum Collection at http://museums.bristol.gov.uk/list.php?keyword=horemkenesi&start=1 There are 585 individually numbered objects in the catalogue as all objects found in the coffins were recorded and given a unique catalogue number. The detailed list helps us to understand the wide range of ingredients used in the embalming process. All the coffins and remains of skin tissue from inside the mummy wrappings are listed together with the Horemkenesi's mummification process - baking soda to dry the body, sawdust, straw and plant fibres to fill the body cavities, and the body cavities to provide support, resins, minerals, charcoal and even beetles and larvae. As methods of changed and evolved over a long period of time in ancient Egypt, this list, together with the medical report from 1981, provide a better understanding of the process in which Horemkenesi's body was involved. I would like to thank Sue Giles, Senior Collections Officer-World Cultures, Bristol Museums, Galleries & Archives, for permission to use the photographs on this page, and Amber Druce, Curator-World Cultures, Bristol Museums, Galleries & Archives, for her helpful comments. Photographs © Bristol Museums, Galleries & Archives Photography by Lenka Peacock Text produced using the following resources Sources: 1. Ancient Egyptians at Bristol's City Museum & Art Gallery : a KS2 resource for teachers Bristol : Bristol's Museums, Galleries & Archives, 2003. 2. Booth, Charlotte: People of Ancient Egypt Stroud : Tempus, 2006. 3. Janssen, Rosalind and Janssen, Jac. J.: Growing up and getting old in ancient Egypt London : Golden House Publications, 2007. 4. Clayton, Peter A.: Chronicles of the Pharaohs : the reign-by-reign record of the rulers and dynasties of ancient Egypt London : Thames & Hudson, 1994. 5. http://www.bristol.gov.uk/ccm/cms-service/stream/asset/?asset_id=32273145 (accessed June 25th 2011, the link is no longer available) 6. http://www.bristolmuseums.org.uk/bristol-museum-and-art-gallery/ 7. http://museums.bristol.gov.uk/ Further bibliography Back to top

The shabtis were part of an old French collection. They were purchased at Thion Encheres, Evreux, France on October the 7th, 2007 and became a part of Escobar private collection in Spain. In the last five years (2015-2020) the shabtis were sold into various European private collections. Shabti figures in European private collections The shabtis were part of an old French collection. They were purchased at Thion Encheres, Evreux, France on October the 7th, 2007 and became a part of Escobar private collection in Spain. In the last five years (2015-2020) the shabtis were sold into various European private collections. Mwt-pr-Imn Title: - Dimensions: 9.0 cm. (H); 3.9 cm. (W) Material: blue faience. Text: • Osiris Mut-per-Amun • Wsir Mwt-pr-Imn Provenance: Deir el-Medina (?) – although these shabtis are not mentioned in Bruyère’s Rapports des Fouilles, 12 statuettes were stored in Deir el-Medina magazines, and two other shabti figures were said to be at l’IFAO in Cairo. Valbelle points out that shabtis of a certain Imn-pr-Mwt were found in the priestly cache, Bab el-Gasus. The shabtis of Mwt-pr-Imn bear remarkable similarity to some Bab el-Gasus shabtis. Date: 21st dyn. Preservation: Good – worn faience coat turned white. Bibliography: 1. Valbelle, Dominique. Ouchebtis de Deir el-Medineh. Documents des Fouilles de l’IFAO, Le Caire, 1972, pp. 55-56 (no. 123) pl. XX 2. Araujo, Luis Manuel de. Estatuetas Funerarias Egipcias da XXI Dinastía. Fundaçao Calouste Gulbelkian, Lisbon, 2003, pp. 407-408, 510. Dd-Xnsw Title: wab n Imn [wab priest of Amun] Dimensions: 10.1 (H); 3.6 (W) Material: white-washed pottery painted yellow. Text: • The Osiris, the wab priest of Amun, Djed-Khonsu • Wsir wab n Imn Dd-xnsw Provenance: Deir el-Medina, tomb 336, and pit 1026. 16 intact shabtis + 39 fragments were stored in Deir el-Medina. Date: 21st dyn. Preservation: Good – some chips and losses to the painted surface. Bibliography: 1. Valbelle, Dominique. Ouchebtis de Deir el-Medineh. Documents des Fouilles de l’IFAO, Le Caire, 1972, p. 70 (no. 164) pl. XXVII 2. Araujo, Luis Manuel de. Estatuetas Funerarias Egipcias da XXI Dinastía. Fundaçao Calouste Gulbelkian, Lisbon, 2003, pp. 424. Ast-m-nxt (?) 1 Title: - Dimensions: 9.5 cm. (H); 3.6 cm. (W) Material: white-washed pottery. Text: • The Osiris Iset-em-nakht (?) • Wsir Ast-m-nxt (?) Provenance: Deir el-Medina, in the surroundings of pit 1319. 64 intact shabtis + 180 fragments were stored in Deir el-Medina. Date: 21st dynasty. Preservation: Poor – paint flakes off. Bibliography: 1. Bruyère, B. Rapports des Fouilles. FIFAO XIV, (1933-1934), 1937, p. 156. 2. Valbelle, Dominique. Ouchebtis de Deir el-Medineh. Documents des Fouilles de l’IFAO, Le Caire, 1972, p. 71 (no. 167) pl. XXVII Ast-m-nxt (?) 2 All the images and the accompanying text were supplied by the current shabti owner Further bibliography Back to top

Ramose is one of the best documented officials from Deir el-Medina. Although he was not born in the village, he became one of the richest men who ever lived there. He was a son of lady Kakaia and a retainer Amenemhab (someone who delived messages to officials in the Theban area). Ramose's tomb 212 at Deir el-Medina Ramose is one of the best-documented officials in Deir el-Medina. Although he was not born in the village, he became one of the richest men who ever lived there. He was the son of lady Kakaia and a retainer Amenemhab (someone who carried messages to officials in the Theban area). Ramose was born around 1314 BC (Booth,2006,185). He must have attended scribal schools before becoming a scribe at the temple of Tuthmosis IV. He then moved to Deir el-Medina, where he married Mutemwia, "the lady of the house, whom he loves". He was appointed "Scribe of the Tomb" by Vizier Paser in year 5 of Ramses II (O.CGC 25671). He served in this position at least until year 38 of Ramesses II (O.CGC 25809) (Davies, 1996, 98). As Ramose and Mutemwia were continually unable to conceive a child, they prayed to various deities associated with childbirth and fertility. Stela 50066, now in Turin, is dedicated to Qudshu, the Asian goddess of love. There are many stelae and statues recording their pleas, but the couple remained childless. In the end they adopted Kenherkhepshef, like Ramose, probably a newcomer to the village, as an apprentice who would take the role of the eldest son, take over Ramose's profession and perform funeral rites for them c. 1314 BC (Booth,2006,185). Ramose's family occupied a house in the northern part of the village. He also owned some land outside Deir el-Medina and there are 3 decorated tombs attributed to him - TT7, TT212 and TT250. The pictures below, taken by Andy Peacock during our visit to Deir el-Medina in 2005, show the surviving niche cut into the rock on the slopes of the western cemetery. It was located at the rear of the chapel of Ramose's tomb complex, which was later assigned the number TT212. The chapel and the courtyard have not survived, only the niche remains. A detailed account of the surviving niche, with photographs and descriptions of the western and northern walls and the vaulted ceiling, as well as the partially reconstructed agricultural scene, can be found at http://www.osirisnet.net/tombes/artisans//ramose_7-212-250/e_ramose_7-212-250_02.htm Preserved scene from the vaulted ceiling, showing Ramose standing with his arms raised in the gesture of worship, before the seated god Re-Harakhte. The western wall of the niche shows Ramose kneeling and worshipping the rising sun. Photography © Andy Peacock 2005-2007 To view and browse the digitised version of The Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Reliefs and Paintings, (also known as Porter & Moss or TopBib) for this tomb, go to http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/topbib/pdf/pm1-1.pdf#page=327 Material for the Bibliography is gathered from an ever-expanding range of multi-lingual sources, encompassing both specialist and semi-popular Egyptological and Near Eastern publications, periodicals, museum guides, exhibition and auction catalogues, together with the growing wealth of web resources. The Bibliography also analyses a range of unpublished manuscripts, including those housed in the Griffith Institute Archive. Published in May 2014 by the Griffith Institute, University of Oxford, the volumes are constantly revised and augmented. Sources: 1. Davis, Benedict G.: Genealogies and personality characteristics of the workmen in the Deir el-Medina community during the Ramesside period. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Liverpool : University of Liverpool, February 1996. 2. Booth, Charlotte: People of Ancient Egypt Stroud : Tempus, 2006. 3. http://www.osirisnet.net/tombes/artisans//ramose_7-212-250/e_ramose_7-212-250_02.htm Further bibliography Back to top

The owner of the tomb 3 at Deir el-Medina was Inherkhau. Inherkhau's tomb TT 359 at Deir el-Medina The owner of tomb 359 at Deir el-Medina was Inherkhau, who lived in the settlement during the 20th dynasty reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses IV. "Until May 2014 the tomb was closed for restoration. The work included the consolidation of the walls and paintings. Cracks were repaired, colours were made more vivid and a new lighting system was installed". From: Betz, Raymond: What's new in Luxor: Pack your bags now! In: Ancient Egypt: The History, People and Culture of the Nile Valley. Volume 16, Number 3, Issue No. 93, Dec 2015/Jan 2016, pp. 42-43. All photography on the page © 2009 Mutnedjmet The ceiling of the first chamber of the tomb - the front vaulted upper chamber - is composed of various highly coloured patterns of intricate petal designs, repeated designs of rosettes and spirals intertwined with the two names of the tomb owner Inherkhau and his wife Wabet. (Treasures, 352) The niche on the south-west wall of the first chamber contains a representation of Inherkhau and his wife Wabet in the pose of worship. On the back wall of the niche there is a representation of Anubis watching over the necropolis in the form of a black jackal with a red ribbon around his neck, reclining on a mastaba and holding the sekhem-sceptre between his front paws and the flagellum between his back paws. The north-west wall of the first chamber - upper register Inerkhau is depicted sitting on a chair in a barque whose stern and the prow both end in the shape of a lotus flower. The Wedjat eye, symbolising protection, strength and perfection, is painted on the hull on either side of the chair. The deceased, dressed in a white linen costume typical of the 19th dynasty, wears a multicoloured pearl necklace and a garland of flowers and leaves around his neck. His wig is topped by a headband. He has a short, square beard. Inherkhau's arms are outstretched and a large piece of white linen is stretched behind his back, held by each hand - a gesture for which we have no good explanation. North-west wall, lower register: Each of these scenes depicts Inherkhau and his wife as the recipients of ritual acts and ceremonies performed by priests and their family members. from The Lost Tombs p. 59 Lower register: Relatives offer libations to the deceased couple A blind harpist sings to the chief workman Inherkhau and his wife Wab in this detail from their tomb. The text of the harpist's is written in the columns of hieroglyphic text behind the behind the harpist (only part visible here). here). The text of the song - McDowell pp. 125-6 Middle register: Inherkhau, in an immaculate white linen costume, performs an act of worship before the souls of Pe, a mythical city in Lower Egypt. The three kneeling genies are incarnations of Horus, Imsety and Hapy. (Treasures 333) Inherkhau stands before an offering table worshipping the sacred benu-bird of Heliopolis. The bird wears the crown of the god Osiris to show its connection to the god who was believed to be the spirit of both Re and Osiris. Anubis, the jackal-headed god of the dead, offers a heart to the mummy of the deceased. For the ancient Egyptians, the heart, rather than the brain, was believed to be the seat of their wisdom and the centre of memory and emotion, and was kept in the body after mummification. Behind Anubis is the standard of Osiris, Lord of Abydos. Inherkhau kneels in worship of the god god Horus in the form of a falcon. Both the pedestal on which the falcon stands as well as its plumage are detail and show great artistic skill. The sacred cat of Heliopolis, associated with the centre of the cult of the sun god Re, kills the evil serpent Apophis under the ished/persea tree. This symbol of chaos had to be ritually killed every day as the sun god's barque passed through the underworld. End wall: Inherkhau and his son worship Ptah and Osiris in a double scene Upper register: Inherkhau adores the horizon Lower register: Inherkhau is seated before before his relations carrying a snake rod Inherkhau worshipps four jackals Adoration of a serpent Representation of the deified king Amenhotep I and his mother Ahmose-Nefertari From Deir el-Medina, TT359 Now at the Neues Museum, Berlin AM2060, AM2061 Sources: 1. Betz, Raymond: What's new in Luxor? : Pack your suitcase now! In: Ancient Egypt : The history, people and culture of the Nile Valley. Vol. 16, No. 3, Issue No. 93, Dec 2015/Jan 2016, pp. 42-43. 2. Davis, Benedict G.: Genealogies and personality characteristics of the workmen in the Deir el-Medina community during the Ramesside period. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Liverpool : University of Liverpool, February 1996. 3. Davies, Benedict G.: Who's who at Deir el-Medina : a prosopographic study of the royal workmen's community Leiden : Nederlands Instituut voor Her Nabije Oosten, 1999 4. Dodson, Aidan - Ikram, Salima: The tomb in ancient Egypt : royal and private sepulchres from the early dynastic period to the Romans London : Thames & Hudson, 2008. 5. Hawass, Zahi: The lost tombs of Thebes : Life in paradise. London : Thames and Hudson, 2009. 6. Shaw, Ian, Nicholson, Paul: British Museum dictionary of ancient Egypt London: British Museum Press, 1995. 7. Strudwick, Nigel and Helen: Thebes in Egypt : a guide to the tombs and temples of ancient Luxor London : British Museum Press, 1999. 8. The Treasures of the Valley of the Kings : tombs and temples of the Theban west bank in Luxor Cairo : The American University in Cairo Press, 2001. 9. Weeks, Kent R.: The treasures of Luxor and the Valley of the Kings Cercelli : White Star Publishers, 2005 On-line resources: 1. http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/archives/bruyere/?sujet=Tombes+359%2C360%2C361+Anherkhaoui.+Qaha. +Houy&os=0 2. http://www.osirisnet.net/tombes/artisans/inerkhaou359/e_inerkhaou359_01.htm Further bibliography Back to top

The second group of religious structures is to be found within the enclosure wall of the main Ptolemaic temple at Deir el-Medina. Chapels within the enclosure wall of the main Ptolemaic temple The chapels within the enclosure walls of the Ptolemaic temple at Deir el-Medina consist of a group of four adjacent chapels situated on the southern side. During the Coptic period, when the temple area was used as a monastery, these chapels underwent numerous alterations, some of which affected the basic plan of the structure. My aim was to compare Ann Bomanns plans and detailed descriptions, based on her text published in 1991 pp. 45-47 with the remains of the cult buildings at Deir el-Medina in February 2007. The results together with the photographs can be found on the following pages. Chapel no. 1 consisted of a hall, pronaos and sanctuary, of which little remains today to the south (left in the picture above) of the main temple building. The hall originally had columns and benches. These have now all disappeared. The Pronaos was attached to the southern wall of the main temple. Later a door was built into this wall to connect the pronaos with the temple. The sanctuary was originally divided into three sections with vaulted ceilings. Today only two niches remain. The southern niche (on the right in the picture below) contained a bench measuring 57 cm wide x 110 cm long and 72 cm high. Looking at the group of four chapels located on the southern side of the main temple. Chapel No. 2 consisted of an outer and an inner hall, a pronaos, a sanctuary and an enclosure. The outer hall, which is no longer visible, had benches on the north and south walls and columns. A flight of steps led to the inner hall, where there was a rectangular pit measuring 2.37 x 1.03 m with a partition wall dividing it in two. The pit, called a crypt by Bruyère, was dug out of the rock, lined with bricks and plastered. Today it is filled with rubble. The pronaos was entered between 2 pillars with screen walls and was vaulted. The sanctuary went through 3 phases, but seems to have always been divided into 3 parts. The walls were decorated with painted cartouches of Tuthmosis III. There were benches in the central and southern niches. The 1st one was 63 cm high. All the naoi were vaulted and during the Coptic period the northern niche became a magazine. An enclosure adjoined the southern wall of the inner and outer halls. What appears to be a blocked doorway led from the enclosure into the inner hall. Another blocked entrance was in the southern wall of the enclosure leading to Chapel No. 3. Chapel no. 3 consisted of an inner hall, a pronaos and a sanctuary. The building had 2 phases. Benches, of which little remains, were placed against the north and south walls of the hall, which had 2 columns placed axially. The pronaos was delimited by 2 columns that joined the screen walls. Inside the pronaos there was a platform in front of the sanctuary. In its first phase it contained only 1 naos, which was vaulted. In the second phase, the sanctuary was divided into three parts and had a flat ceiling. It does not appear to have had any wall decorations as it was simply whitewashed. Benches were placed against the back walls of each niche. These were 42 cm high and between 42 and 50 cm deep. Slots were visible in the mud-brick thresholds to each shrine, indicating the presence of architraves. The sanctuary was cut into the rock behind it at an oblique angle. Behind it was a narrow corridor which ran from the rear to the north side of the sanctuary. To the south of the pronaos was a staircase leading to the rock terrace above. A narrow annex adjoining the south wall of the chapel was entered through a doorway in the wall of the inner hall. Chapel no. 4 had an outer and an inner hall, a pronaos and a sanctuary, and lay on a northwest-southeast axis. Little remains of the outer hall, which had a bench on its southern wall. 2 pillars separated the entrance to the inner hall and the pronaos. The pronaos, into which the shrine projected, had the same dimensions as the inner hall: 5.92 m wide x 2.31 m long. It was separated from the latter area by 2 column bases that formed partitions. A platform of 58 cm in height protruded from the shrine and was separated from it by a whitewashed bench. The sanctuary consisted of a single naos faced with limestone. It had an arched doorway measuring 108 cm high x 107 cm wide. The back wall of the niche was made of plastered brick. Traces of 2 squatting figures with raised arms were found on either side of the doorway. Adjacent to the northern wall of the chapel was another annex containing an oven. In addition to these four adjoining chapels to the south of the main temple, there was another chapel located in the north-west corner of the enclosure wall. This chapel was first excavated by Baraize and later by Bruyère, who called it Chapel E. It is no longer visible. It was damaged by the enclosure wall which was built through it. It consisted of a forecourt, an inner hall, a pronaos and a sanctuary. Part of its northern wall was used by chapels outside the northern enclosure wall. Other remains of small New Kingdom chapels, built by the occupants of Deir el-Medina, are scattered within the northern enclosure wall. Photography © Lenka Peacock 2007 Sources: 1. Bomann, Ann H.: The private chapel in ancient Egypt : a study of the chapels in the workmen's village at el Amarna with special reference to Deir el-Medina and other sites. London : Kegan Paul International, 1991. Further bibliography Back to top

Neferabu was a worker from Deir el-Medina, whose title was "The servant in the Place of Truth". He was active in the necropolis during the first half of the 19th dynasty. His tomb (which is numbered TT5) is an excellent source from which his family tree can be constructed. Neferabu's tomb no. 5 at Deir el-Medina Neferabu was a worker from Deir el-Medina whose title was "The Servant in the Place of Truth". He worked in the necropolis during the first half of the 19th dynasty. Thanks to the surviving textual evidence from the village, the dates can be narrowed down to the years 36 (O.Gardiner 133) and 40 (O.BM 5634) of Ramesses II. (Davis, 1999, 158) The tomb of Neferabu (numbered TT5) is an excellent source from which to construct his family tree. Neferabu was the son of "The Servant in the Place of Truth" Neferrenpet and his wife Mahy. The tomb inscriptions refer to Amenmose as the "father" of Neferabu, but it has been proved that Amenmose was actually the father of Neferabu's wife Ta-Isis (or Isis or Taiset). (Davis,1999,158) The names of his numerous children are recorded on the walls of the tomb. He had sons Nodjemger, Neferronpet, Ramose and Meriunu and daughters Henuttu, Mahi, Tenthaynu, Hotepy, Mutemopet, Istnofret, Henut-iunet and Roruti. The tomb of Neferabu is nestled against the Theban hills in the northern part of the western necropolis of Deir el-Medina. Photography © 2007 Andy Peacock A plan of the tomb of Neferabu, no. 5. Drawn by Lenka Peacock, after a drawing in Vandier, Jacques : Tombes de Deir el- Médineh, 1935. History of the discovery Almost nothing is known about the discovery of the tomb of Neferabu. Most likely, it was discovered more than two centuries ago. Maspero suggested 1818 as the year of discovery on the basis of the stele of Neferabu now in the British Museum (EA 589, more details below). The stele came from a collection of Count Belmore and was said to have been found in a tomb at Thebes in 1818. Although this votive stele may have come from his tomb, it is more likely that it came from one of the shrines at Deir el-Medina, or possibly from the rock shrine between the village and the Valley of the Queens. There is other evidence that dissuades us from accepting Maspero's claims. 1. From a papyrus in the Louvre, we know that the tomb was violated during the Ptolemaic period, when it served as a catacomb: "Appointed Horus leaves to each of his sons a quarter that belongs to him in Neferabu's catacombs, and a quarter of the dead." 2. The tomb was probably inhabited by Copts. In the first hall and the two connecting rooms, there were numerous burn marks on the ceiling and walls. This does not prove with certainty that the tomb was inhabited by Copts (some marks are modern and made by the Arabs), but they can often be taken as a sign of the presence of Copts, and it is very likely that the tomb of Neferabu, after serving as a catacomb, was used as a dwelling by Copts. 3. After visiting Deir el-Medina in the 1880s, Alfred Wiedemann described the tombs of the 19th dynasty, but did not mention the tomb of Neferabu in his article published in 1908. 4. In 1929 Bernard Bruyère discovered another stela in the shaft of pit 1195. This proves once again that the stela from Belmore's collection which was found in a tomb in Thebes did not come from the tomb of Neferabu. However, it is not impossible that the tomb of Neferabu was already known in 1818 and then quickly forgotten. This is not without precedent in Deir el-Medina - wall scenes in Tomb No. 3 were copied by Hay between 1825 and 1838, and then the tomb was rediscovered by Howard Carter in 1910. This hypothesis seems likely. The tomb known in 1818 could have been filled with sand shortly afterwards. There is another example of this happening at Deir el-Medina: the tomb of Inherkau was partly drawn by Lepsius in the mid-19th century, then lost and rediscovered by Bruyère in 1930. 1930. It is not possible to conclude whether the tomb was known in the early 19th century and we cannot answer the question who discovered the tomb of Neferabu and when. (Vandier,1935,1-4) Drawn by Lenka Peacock, after a drawing in Vandier, Jacques : Tombes de Deir el-Médineh, 1935. The architecture The tomb belongs to the category of chapel tombs. It had the following layout: a small open courtyard at ground level, a one-room vaulted chapel surmounted by a brick pyramid topped by a stone pyramidion, and a large funerary stele beyond. The vaulted chapel was very richly decorated. The shaft near the courtyard leads to the underground passage and two burial chambers. This type of tomb was widely used during the 19th and 20th dynasties. The tomb consists of two distinct parts: the underground part for the deceased, and the outer side, which was visited by family and friends and served as a place for worshipping the dead. This part was almost completely destroyed, but the preserved remains and other data gathered from other tombs can help to reconstruct its shape. The courtyard was a square of 6.5 metres on each side, surrounded by walls of stone and adobe. The entrance, which was on the south side, probably consisted of two brick pillars and was accessed by a ramp or stairs. At the end of the courtyard was a pyramidal building. A small chapel , the layout of which, as Bruyère noted, is the same as the hieroglyphic sign for the house, was built of adobe and stone and measured 2 x 3.10 metres. The door, located on the longer side, opened to the south. At the end of the chapel - opposite the front door - there was a niche where the floor was raised to the height of a step. The niche measured 2 metres by 1.5 metres. The funerary stele and an offering table were usually placed here. In his 1926 report (p. 86), Bruyère says of the chapel: "The fact that the slope collapsed has almost completely destroyed the remains. We can only assume that it was a vaulted room, made of brick, with a west-east axis parallel to the front". The walls of the chapel were painted with multicoloured figures on a yellow background. Pyramid . The walls of the chapel were the base on which stood a brick pyramid topped by a pyramidion. The pyramidion was made of painted limestone with inscriptions in honour of the sun. Each of the four sides represented a phase of the sun during the day. On the south side of the pyramid was a niche containing the round stela found by Bruyère in 1929 in a neighbouring pit No. 1195. The inside of the pyramid was hollow so as not to put too much weight on the walls of the chapel. The The outer walls of the pyramids were washed with lime. (Vandier,1935,5-6) Drawn by Lenka Peacock, after a drawing in Vandier, Jacques : Tombes de Deir el-Médineh, 1935. Shaft . In the courtyard, two metres in front of the chapel, there was a burial shaft. It was dug vertically into the ground. It measures 0.75 x 1.40 metres and is 4 metres deep. Its walls were made of mud bricks covered with white paint. There are slits in the walls of the shaft at intervals of about 0.60 metres, so that it is possible to descend. Four steps leading to the first chamber are modern, the 5th is original. The door in the eastern wall opened to the west. The first hall . It is a long hall, oriented from north to south, measuring 2 metres by 5.08 metres. The ceiling is vaulted and made of mud bricks laid in diagonal lines. The walls are completely covered with paint on plaster. A large part of the vault and the north wall are blackened and burnt, making it very difficult to read the text of the inscriptions and to study the murals. Around the centre of the hall, the vaulted ceiling is cracked. Traces of an old brick structure, no doubt the old shaft, can be seen. This suggests that Neferabu reused an earlier tomb as his resting place. It is likely that the earlier tomb dates from the 18th Dynasty. The original shaft is about 2 metres away from the later shaft. The remains of the southern wall of the old shaft can be seen in the courtyard of the chapel. It was also built of mud bricks, as was the later shaft of Neferabu. A small long room leads from the first hall to the west side, and two other small interconnected rooms are on the east side. It is difficult to say whether the small rooms were part of the original tomb or were added by Neferabu. These areas may have been used as storage rooms and were filled with funerary objects. The walls of these rooms are blackened by smoke, either from Ptolemaic or Coptic times. The first room of the eastern group has a cavity in the floor along its eastern wall, representing a kind of oblong tank in which the sarcophagus could have been placed at some point. At the end of the northern side of the first room of the tomb, there is a kind of stage or mastaba, 47 cm high and 2 m wide. The family of the deceased probably placed their offerings on this altar, which takes up the entire back of the hall, during the funeral ceremony. This mastaba is a common feature of tombs in the area, but is usually located at the bottom of the burial chamber. The mastaba in this tomb masks the shaft leading into the burial chamber. The shaft was filled with hard packed earth, which also formed the mastaba itself. The entrance to the second chamber was probably closed by a large vertical stone that slid into two vertical grooves. The grooves are still visible at the entrance to the tomb, although they are covered with white plaster. The entrance to the burial chamber has 4 steps, which are modern. Farina's photographs from the time when the tomb was excavated by Bruyère show us the original state: there was a shaft with three walls whitewashed with lime. The fourth wall was formed by the stopper. At the bottom of the southern wall, the last three layers of mud bricks were not plastered. Either there was a step or, more likely, it is simply a sign of damage. Burial chamber . The second room, the burial chamber, is larger than the first. It measures 6.25 by 3 metres. Its height reaches 2.6 metres, but is also reduced by the vaulted ceiling. Its floor is about 1.5 metres below the level of the first hall. A rather large crack in the ceiling, which has damaged the scenes on the front wall and areas in the south-east and south-west corners, allows a glimpse of the remains of the original masonry, as in the first hall. The east wall is damaged by a large crack, about a metre wide, probably caused by probing at the time of the discovery. It leads to a small lower cavity measuring 2.0 by 1.4 metres. The texts and scenes on the walls are intact. The niches were drawn by Lenka Peacock, after a drawing in Vandier, Jacques : Tombes de Deir el-Médineh, 1935. At the end of the burial chamber there is a peculiar and interesting detail: there are small oblong vertical niches on the east and west walls, about half a metre from the northern corner. Bruyère thought that they were intended to hold a wooden beam to support the weight of the sarcophagus as it was lowered into a room below. In 1929 he made a probe into the floor at the foot of the north wall, but found nothing except a small empty cavity at a depth of 1.5 metres. metres deep. The purpose of these niches remains a mystery. When the tomb was decorated, the niches were bricked up and lime-washed, but the artist left them empty and unadorned. It is difficult to explain these elements as nothing similar has been found in other tombs. (Vandier,1935,6-9) Objects connected to Neferabu housed in the British Museum Fragment of a stela of Neferabu 19th dynasty Limestone From Deir el-Medina British Museum EA 1754 Location: Gallery 63/11 Height: 17.5 centimetres Length: 52 centimetres Acquired in Luxor The stela above may have come from his tomb TT5 or perhaps from one of the shrines at Deir el-Medina. The relief shows the deceased's sons and relatives together with the draughtsman Pabaki, the draughtsman Pashedu and the scribe Ipu(y) carrying various funerary objects to be placed in his tomb. These include various boxes and stools. Merysekhmet is described on the stela as a sn (brother) of Neferabu, but Jac Janssen identifies Merysekhmet as Neferabu's nephew. He argues that Merysekhmet is not his real brother but a member of the same generation to which Janssen refers by sn. (Gleanings,1982,128). This argument is supported by the identification of at least 11 so-called brothers (sn) from several monuments attributed to Neferabu. The filiations recorded on Egyptian funerary reliefs do not always reliably reflect a particular blood relationship and closer examination in certain cases allows Egyptologists to determine the true relationship to the individuals involved (Davies,1999,158). It is in good but incomplete condition. In the literature it is always quoted together with stela 150 (as BM 150+1754). It was published by Kitchen in his Rammesside Inscriptions, Vol. 3, p. 774, part of 154. It has also been published in The British Museum hieroglyphic texts from Egyptian stelae etc, edited by T. G. H. James, Part 9: Plate XXX Registration number: 1931,0613.11 Ostrakon bearing an attendance record of workmen EA 5634 Neferabu's name appears on line 3 of the ostrakon: Neferabu: month 4 of Spring, day 15 (his daugher was bleeding), day 17 (burying the god), month 2 of Summer, day 7 (embalming his brother), day 8 (libating for him), month 4 of Summer, day 26 (his wife was bleeding). To view and browse the digitised version of The Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Reliefs and Paintings, (also known as Porter & Moss or TopBib) for this tomb, go to http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/topbib/pdf/pm1-1.pdf#page=3 0 Material for the Bibliography is gathered from an ever-expanding range of multi-lingual sources, encompassing both specialist and semi-popular Egyptological and Near Eastern publications, periodicals, museum guides, exhibition and auction catalogues, together with the growing wealth of web resources. The Bibliography also analyses a range of unpublished manuscripts, including those housed in the Griffith Institute Archive. Published in May 2014 by the Griffith Institute, University of Oxford, the volumes are constantly revised and augmented. Text on this page written by Lenka & Andy Peacock Photographs © Lenka Peacock, The Trustees of the British Museum With many thanks and gratitude to Ing. Jaroslav Bican, my brother, for the translation of the French text into Czech. Sources: 1. Vandier, Jacques : Tombes de Deir el-Médineh : la tombe de Nefer-Abou Le Caire : Impr. de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale, 1935. 2. Davies, Benedict G.: Who's who at Deir el-Medina : a prosopographic study of the royal workmen's community Leiden : Nederlands Instituut voor Her Nabije Oosten, 1999 3. Davis, Benedict G.: Genealogies and personality characteristics of the workmen in the Deir el-Medina community during the Ramesside period. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Liverpool : University of Liverpool, February 1996. 4. Gleanings from Deir el-Medina / editors, R. J. Demarée and Jac. J. Janssen. Leiden : Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten te Leiden, 1982. 5. Journey through the Afterlife : Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead / edited by John H. Taylor London : The British Museum Press, 2010. 320 p. 6. The British Museum web site www.thebritishmuseum.ac.uk Further bibliography Back to top

The village was inhabited by the community of workmen involved in the construction and decoration of the royal tombs in both the Valley of the Kings and the Valley of the Queens. Together with their wives and families the workmen occupied the houses of mud brick and stone for some 450 years. The village of Deir el-Medina Deir el-Medina is one of the best preserved ancient settlements in Egypt. It lies in a small secluded valley in the shadow of the Theban hills, on the west bank of the Nile, opposite modern-day Luxor in Upper Egypt. The village was inhabited by the community of workmen involved in the construction and decoration of the royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings and the Valley of the Queens. Together with their wives and families, the craftsmen occupied the neatly built mud-brick and stone houses for some 450 years during the New Kingdom period. The settlement was founded sometime early in the 18th dynasty, although it is uncertain under which king. Many bricks in the enclosure wall of the settlement were stamped with the name of Thutmosis I (c. 1524-1518 BC), who was the first pharaoh to be buried in the Valley of the Kings. However, the reverence paid to the previous king, Amenhotep I (1551-1524 BC) and his mother, Ahmose-Nefertari, suggests that they may have been instrumental in establishing the royal workforce at Deir el-Medina. We have little information about the earliest years of the community. Most of our knowledge of the settlement comes from the extensive evidence from the 19th and 20th dynasties, when the village almost doubled in size. The initial workforce was probably drawn from a number of places, possibly from other crews in the Theban area employed on temple building projects. The original town was surrounded by a thick mud-brick wall. Since the first phase of the settlement, dating from the beginning of the 18th dynasty, was destroyed by fire, little is known about its layout. After the Amarna period, under the restoration of King Horemheb (c. 1321-1293 B.C.), the village expanded. The damaged houses were restored and new ones built. During the 19th dynasty, Deir el-Medina covered an area of about 132 metres long and 50 metres wide. The houses within the enclosure wall were all built in blocks - there was no space between them and two adjacent houses shared a wall. Although the village was occupied for over four centuries, the evidence from the excavations shows that the general layout of the individual houses largely follows the pattern established in the first phase of the settlement's construction during the 18th dynasty. The ground level also remained unchanged, unlike other settlements where successive generations built on the remains of previous occupations. The village itself consisted of about 70 houses. They were divided by a main road. It ran from north to south with narrow houses on either side. Archaeological excavations suggest that this street was covered, making the village a solidly roofed community. Both the floors of the houses and the central street were found to be covered with layers of accumulated and well-trodden animal dung from goats, sheep and pigs. (Hobson, 1997, p. 117). In the workmen's village, property ownership was more tightly controlled - property tended to be passed from father to son, along with trades and professions. Restricted by the village boundary, the inhabitants were not able to expand their dwellings, as was often the case elsewhere. Some forty to fifty houses were later built outside the enclosure wall to the north, between or over earlier burials. The community reached its greatest numbers and prosperity towards the end of the reign of Ramesses II (1279-1212 BC). From the end of the reign of Ramesses XI (1098-1070 BC), the Theban area was in turmoil and the tombs in the Valley of the Kings began to be plundered. Both the archaeological and textual evidence suggest that not later than by the early 21st dynasty, around the years 17-18 of Ramesses XI, the community of workmen had left Deir el-Medina and moved within the walls of the nearby temple at Medinet Habu. Dhutmose, the scribe of the tomb, wrote to Hor, the deputy of the estate of Amun-Ra, on his visit to Thebes: "We heard that you have arrived and reached the town of Ne; may Amun give you a good welcome, may he do all good things for you. We dwell here in the Mansion and you know well our way of dwelling. But the boys of the tomb have gone. They dwell in Ne, while I dwell here alone with the scribe of the army, Penthonakhte". The Mortuary Temple of Ramesses III (1182-1151 BC) at Medinet Habu as seen from the western slopes of the Theban Hills above Deir el-Medina Although the former inhabitants no longer lived in the village, they returned to visit the family tombs and to worship at their temple of Amenhotep I. The abandoned houses were used for storage until they decayed beyond their usefulness. It is not clear what happened to the villagers after this period, but the site of Deir el-Medina continued to be used extensively for both religious and funerary purposes until as late as the 8th century AD. In the 3rd century BC, Ptolemy IV Philopater built a temple dedicated to Hathor and Maat on the northern side of the former village, on the site of the earlier chapels and shrines and opposite the small temple of Amun . In the Christian era the temple was converted into a Coptic church. A monastery, or deir, was established there. Deir el-Medina thus survived its change in function from a primarily residential to a to a sacred and burial site. The ancient name of the settlement, "St-maat-Hr-imnty-Wast" , means "The Place of Truth, to the West of Thebes". The ancient villagers referred to their settlement as "pa-demi" , "the town". The modern Arabic name Deir el-Medina, meaning "The Convent of the Town", reflects the fact that, during the Muslim conquest of Egypt, the village's Ptolemaic temple was converted into a Christian church. "Wast" inscription from the walls of the Ptolemaic temple at Deir el-Medina The term "st-maat" , usually translated as "the Place of Truth", appears repeatedly in tomb inscriptions and on funerary objects such as stelae, coffins, shabtis, statues, pyramidions, door lintels and door jambs, as well as on a wide variety of small objects from the Theban necropolis, particularly from the region of Deir el-Medina. A smaller number of objects come from other Theban sites, the Valley of the Kings, the Valley of the Queens, the Ramesseum, Medinet Habu, Qurna and Dra abu al-Naga. A large group of titles, demoting employees "in the Place of Truth", has been identified in documents from the 19th and 20th dynasties. "st-maat" from an inscription on Bankes stela no. 11 Kingston Lacy The earliest example of the expression "st-maat" is in chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, which dates from the dynasties 13-17 (2nd Intermediate Period, ca. 1782-1633 B.C.). It reads "I have not committed any sins in the Place of Truth". The term can generally be applied to any place or locality that is sacred or holy. It was not only used within the city of Thebes. There are examples of the term being used in Memphis, Amarna or Abydos. The term cannot be translated with a single phrase because it does not have a single meaning. Depending on the context, "st-maat" can mean the afterlife, the cemetery, a tomb, the king's tomb, or even a workshop (in western Thebes). In Theban documents, "st-maat" was used with the addition "hr-imnty-Wast" , meaning "west of Weset" (Weset being the ancient Egyptian name for Thebes, now Luxor). Inscriptions are found in both hieroglyphic and hieratic scripts. Excavations at Deir el-Medina Throughout the 19th century, objects were looted from the Deir el-Medina area to supply the new antiquities market created by foreign travellers visiting the ancient sites. The first antiquities collected by the locals around the site of Deir el-Medina were sold to passing tourists in 1815. Among them was Sir William Bankes. The collection of pieces he bought at this early stage can be seen at his family home in Dorset, Kingston Lacy . Giovanni Belzoni collected antiquities for the British Consul General Henry Salt at the same time as his rival, the French Consul General Bernardino Drovetti, was bidding against him. Their collections were later divided mainly between the British Museum in London and the Museo Egizio in Turin. John Gardner Wilkinson (1797-1875), an English traveller, writer and pioneer Egyptologist, was the first to excavate the area. He opened several tombs in order to record the remarkable information they contained. Karl Richard Lepsius (1810-1884), a pioneering Prussian Egyptologist and linguist, also copied tomb scenes at Deir el-Medina. This inevitably drew attention to the potential riches, and illegal excavations followed (Hobson, 1991, pp. 116-118). In the 1850s an archive of papyri was excavated from the family tomb of Butehamun. It included letters from his father, the scribe Djutmose, to Butehamun and the correspondence of Piankh (c. 1074-1070 BC) sent from Nubia where he was with the army. Several other papyri, probably from the same source, came onto the market at the same time and were bought by European travellers. Eventually, the papyri and many other objects found their way into the storerooms of numerous museums to await future scholars. Most of these discoveries were made by local people. Huge amounts of information were lost as a result of their haphazard digging. In January 1886, a local resident of Qurna, Salam Abu Duji, and his 3 associates were given permission to excavate at Deir el-Medina. They focused their attention not on the settlement area, but on the adjacent terraced hill to the west - the site of the tombs. After the first week of excavation they found an undisturbed tomb - the tomb of Sennedjem (Burzacott,2017,17-18). The northern part of the valley was excavated down to the virgin soil. One of the most important finds was the intact tomb of the 18th Dynasty foreman Kha and his wife Meryt. Between 1909 and 1912, Émile Baraize was employed by the Egyptian Antiquities Service to carry out work on the Ptolemaic temple. In 1912 he excavated a small chapel located in the north-western part of the enclosure wall of the main Ptolemaic temple (Bomann, 1991, 39). From 1905 to 1909, the first scientific excavation of the site was carried out by the Italian archaeologist Ernesto Schiaparelli. In 1906 he excavated the chapel of Seti I (Bomann, 1991, 39). Many objects, including papyri and ostraca, greatly enriched the collections of the Museo Egizio in Turin and the Museo Archeologico in Florence. Turin had already acquired a large number of objects through the collector and dealer Bernardino Drovetti in the early 19th century. In 1913, Georg Möller, a German palaeographer, led an excavation at four sites within the settlement as part of the Berlin Museum's season at Deir el-Medina. as part of a large concession in western Thebes. Among his finds were 11 houses with their contents, 160 hieratic and 70 figurative ostraca, 10-13 tombs in the western cemetery and 4 infant graves in the eastern cemetery (McDowell, 1999, 25). The German concession at Deir el-Medina was transferred to the French after World War I. The French began work at Deir el-Medina in 1917. In 1922, the French Institute of Oriental Archaeology in Cairo, under the direction of Bernard Bruyère, began a project of systematic excavation of the entire site - village, cemetery and pit. The Great Pit , used in ancient times as a garbage dump, was Bruyère's most rewarding discovery. It contained thousands of literary and non-literary ostraca. Bruyère also discovered thirty-two religious structures (Bomann, 1991, 39). In 1925, Bruyère was looking for an epigrapher for his excavations. Jaroslav Černý, a Czech Egyptologist, became a member of the team. He was the world's leading authority on several aspects of the Ramesside period, particularly the hieratic script, a cursive writing system used on papyri and ostraka. Excavation Diaries of Bernard Bruyère from Deir el-Medina, 1922-1955, are now available on-line at http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bases/archives /bruyere/about In 1967, the IFAO gave Georges Castel permission to continue the excavations at Deir el-Medina. Although he continued the work of Baraize, Schiaparelli and Bruyère, he concentrated mainly on the excavations of Gurnet Mura'i to the north and south. Excavations by the French mission continue to this day (Brooker, 2009, 8). Domonique Valbelle and Charles Bonnet have reexamined the site to better understand the phases of construction. A worldwide group of scholars continues to study a wide range of topics relating to all aspects of Deir el-Medina. The research group, entitled "Workers' Huts in the Theban Mountains" , began work at the site of the workers' huts in 2008. They will work for four field seasons of three months each. The IFAO Excavations at Deir el-Medina, Cédric Gobeil's thorough examination of the archives of the Institut français d'archéologie orientale (IFAO), published on Oxford Handbooks online, details the history of the archaeological excavations and other field activities conducted by the Institute at the site of Deir el-Medina since the early 20th century. A free PDF version is available at http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935413.001.0001/oxfordhb- 9780199935413-e-32?rskey=vK0AHG&result=1 All the photos accompanying the "History of excavation" come from the area in the southeast corner of the main Ptolemaic temple enclosure. The text on this page was written by Lenka Peacock Photography © Lenka and Andy Peacock Aerial view of Deir el-Medina This wonderful photo of Deir el-Medina was taken by Warwick Barnard of Sydney, Australia, during his balloon flight over the Theban West Bank in the early hours of 17 January 2007. Little has changed since then. The aerial view is an ideal tool for understanding the layout of the site from east to west, where the sacred mountain of al-Qurn rises. Please use the legend below as a guide and the links for more detailed information and closer views of individual parts of the settlement. Photography © Warwick Barnard 2007 A - The settlement B - The Ptolemaic temple of Hathor and Ma'at C - The Western necropolis D - The Eastern necropolis E - The great pit F - The chapel of Hathor of Seti I G - The temple of Amenhotep I H - The temple of Amun of Ramesses II I - The French dig house J - Towards the rock shrine of Ptah and Meretseger K - Sennedjem's house L - The ancient path to the Valley of the Kings and to the stone huts at the top of the cliffs M - Modern car park N - The tourist rest house & bookstall Western necropolis tombs: TT1 - Sennedjem's tomb TT2 - Khabekhenet's tomb TT3 - Pashedu's tomb TT5 - Neferabu's tomb TT8 - Kha's tomb TT212 - Ramose TT218-220 TT290 - Irynefer TT291 - Nakhtmin and Nu's tomb TT338 - May TT1159 - Sennefer's tomb Sources: 1.Reeves, Nicholas: The complete Valley of the Kings : tombs and treasure of Egypt's greatest pharaohs. London : Thames and Hudson, 1996. 2.David, A. Rosalie: The pyramid builders of ancient Egypt : a modern investigation of Pharaoh's workforce. London : Routledge, 1986. 3. Černý, Jaroslav: Egypt from the death of Ramesses III to the end of the 21st dynasty. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1965. 4. Pharaoh's workers : the villagers of Deir el-Medina / edited by Leonard H. Lesko Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 1994. 5. Clayton, Peter A.: Chronicles of the Pharaohs : the reign-by-reign record of the rulers and dynasties of ancient Egypt London : Thames & Hudson, 1994. 6. James, T.G.H.: Pharaoh's people : scenes from life in Imperial Egypt New York : Tauris Parke, 2003. 7. Strudwick, Nigel and Helen: Thebes in Egypt : a guide to the tombs and temples of ancient Luxor London : British Museum Press, 1999. 8. Montserrat, Dominic and Meskell, Lynn: Mortuary archaeology and religious landscape at Graeco- Roman Deir el-Medina. IN: JEA 83, p. 179-197. 9. Romer, John: Ancient lives : the story of the Pharaoh's tombmakers London : Phoenix, 1984. 10. McDowell, A.G.: Village life in ancient Egypt : laundry lists and love songs Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999. 11. Černý, Jaroslav: A community of workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period Cairo : Institut Francais d'archeologie Orientale du Caire, 1973. 12. Ventura, Raphael: Living in a city of the dead : a selection of topographical and administrative terms in the documents of the Theban necropolis Freiburg (Schweiz) : Universitatsverlag, 1986. 13. Bomann, Ann H.: The private chapel in ancient Egypt : a study of the chapels in the workmen's village at el Amarna with special reference to Deir el-Medina and other sites. London : Kegan Paul International, 1991. 14. Théby : město bohů a faraónů = Thebes : city of gods and pharaohs / Jana Mynářová & Pavel Onderka (eds.) Praha : Národní Museum, 2007. 15. Brooker, M. L.: A new approach of identifying the function of the elevated beds at Deir el- Medina. A thesis: The University of Birmingham, Master of Philosophy. Birmingham : University of Birmingham, June 2009. 196 p. 16. Hobson, Christine: Exploring the world of the pharaohs London : Thames and Hudson, 1990. 17. Burzacott, Jeff: The Tomb of Sennedjem discovered IN : Nile Magazine, no. 11, December 2017 - January 2018, pp. 17-21. 18. http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935413.001.0001/oxfordhb- 9780199935413-e-32?rskey=vK0AHG&result=1 Further bibliography Back to top